Thesis (Ph. D., Education)--University of Idaho, December 2006. / Major professor: Thomas N. Fairchild. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 107-130). Also available online (PDF file) by subscription or by purchasing the individual file.

Thesis (M.A.)--York University, 2005. Graduate Programme in Psychology. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 45-49). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://gateway.proquest.com/openurl?url%5Fver=Z39.88-2004&res%5Fdat=xri:pqdiss &rft_val_fmt=info:ofi/fmt:kev:mtx:dissertation&rft_dat=xri:pqdiss:MR11745

This communication study investigated characteristics of evidence that influenced memory and beliefs about juvenile delinquency across multiple time periods. Four hypotheses were proposed: (H1) vivid evidence is more memorable than nonvivid evidence, (H2) story evidence is more memorable than statistical evidence, (H3) vivid evidence is more persuasive than nonvivid evidence after 48 hours, but not after one week, and (H4) story evidence is more persuasive than statistical evidence after 1 week, but not after 48 hours. A 2 x 2 x 3 factorial design with an offset control was employed, using evidence (story or statistical), vividness (vivid or nonvivid), and time (immediate, or 48 hour delay, or 1 week delay) as independent variables, and recognition memory and judgment of belief as dependent variables. Four written messages, reflecting a complete crossing of evidence and vividness, were used as different types of evidence to attempt to persuade beliefs. A total of 280 undergraduate college students participated in the experiment. Hypotheses 1 and 2 were supported by main effects for vividness and evidence, and by a significant ordinal two-way interaction between vividness and evidence such that vivid story was the most memorable form of evidence. The two-way interactions used to test Hypotheses 3 and 4 were nonsignificant. A main effect for evidence related to Hypothesis 4 indicated that statistical evidence was more persuasive than story evidence at the delayed time periods. Thus, Hypotheses 3 and 4 were not supported. Alternative explanations were discussed to account for the persuasiveness of statistical evidence and the lack of persuasiveness of story evidence at the delayed time periods. Limitations of the study were noted, such as the small amount of experimental variance accounted for in some of the findings, and the limited generalizability of the findings. Finally, several suggestions for future research, including reconceptualizing evidence as a multidimensional construct, were presented.

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Thesis (M.S.)--University of North Carolina at Greensboro, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 11, 2008). Directed by Jennifer L. Etnier; submitted to the School of Health and Human Performance. Includes bibliographical references (p. 40-43).

Thesis advisor: Scott D. Slotnick / We are able to consciously remember an incredible amount of information for long periods of time (Brady et al., 2008, 2013). Furthermore, we often think about our memories in terms of how successful we are in retrieving them, such as vividly recalling the smell of your grandmother’s cooking. However, we can also identify the times when we have forgotten information, such as misremembering the name of an acquaintance or misplacing your car keys. Such instances of forgetting have been suggested to be caused by inhibitory processes acting on associated information, such as the inhibitory processing shown in retrieval-induced forgetting where the retrieval of specific items leads to forgetting related information (Anderson et al., 2004; Wimber et al., 2015). Thus, long-term memory is said to rely on both accurately retrieving specific details and inhibiting potentially distracting information. In Chapter 1, I demonstrate that specificity of long-term memory depends on inhibiting related information through a series of behavioral experiments investigating item memory for faces and abstract shapes. In Chapter 2 and Chapter 3, I examine the neural regions associated with long-term memory specificity and inhibitory processing by focusing on the functional roles of the hippocampus and the prefrontal cortex, two key regions associated with long-term memory. In Chapter 2, I provide evidence that the hippocampus is associated with memory specificity by demonstrating that distinct regions of the hippocampus are associated with memory for different visual field locations. Furthermore, I provide evidence that the hippocampus operates in continuous manner during recollection (i.e., conscious retrieval of details). In Chapter 3, I demonstrate that the prefrontal cortex can inhibit both the hippocampus and language processing regions during retrieval of distracting information during episodic and semantic memory, respectively. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2019. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Psychology.

<p>There is a body of research on the effect of physical activity oncognition in the old adult population. Less research areconducted on adolescents. The aim for this study is to find out ifadolescents long-term memory is affected by physical activity.144 pupils were asked to rate their physical activity each week.Thereafter their long- term memory was tested through tests onepisodic- and semantic memory. The results showed that thosewho are physically active more than 4 hours had a better scoreon part of the semantic test but no effect was found in theepisodic test. This result indicates that physical activity not onlyaffects working memory, as was shown by previous research butalso has an effect in parts of the semantic long-term memory.</p>

Thesis (Ed. D.)--University of La Verne, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-191).

Thesis (D. Mus. Arts)--University of Washington, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 290-299).