D.Phil. / The overall objective of this study is to evaluate the new local government system in Malawi, and to determine the extent to which decentralised political and administrative structures uphold the principles of good governance. With the requirements of good governance in mind, the issues addressed include the legal and institutional framework, the factors that affect the performance by local institutions, and the broader political and socio-economic factors that complicate the promotion of principles of good governance at the local level. The study is based on an analysis of primary and secondary sources relating to local government in Malawi and selected countries in sub-Saharan Africa. It is supplemented by semi-structured qualitative interviews involving 38 respondents. The respondents included senior government officials, elected representatives and members of the civil society concerned with the promotion of the principles of good governance. The researcher also attended committee meetings in selected local authorities to obtain insights for the assessment of the new local government system. The major findings of this study are grouped into three broad categories. Firstly, although the legal and institutional framework tends to support the promotion of good governance on paper, it does not give any effect in practice. This is due to, among other factors, the legal provisions which are contradictory and entrench centralisation, and the inherent procedural weaknesses which are evident in the glaring omissions relating to procedures governing local authorities’ meetings, revenue collection and discipline. Secondly, a number of factors hamper the effective promotion of good governance by institutions both at the central and local levels. These include the weak institutional and resource constraints, ineffective civic education, high poverty levels, low literacy levels and negative public attitude towards government institutions and politics in general. Lastly, the effective promotion of the principles of good governance is complicated by the broader political and socio-economic factors such as the weak role of political parties, the presence of patrimonial behaviour, the lack of democratic political culture, the ineffective public sector reform, the deterioration of the economy, weak role of civil society organisations and their lack of vibrancy. In view of the study findings, it is recommended that the legal framework should be reviewed to amend contradictory provisions, and to incorporate provisions which enforce good governance at the local level. The major stakeholders in governance should embark on various capacity building measures such as holding public meetings, workshops, and curricula development to empower all sectors, particularly the rural masses in order to enable them to articulate their interests, to hold rulers accountable, and to reinforce desirable democratic values. With economic renewal in mind, the government should develop a coherent policy framework to encourage local investment in small and medium enterprises, and to guide the country towards self-reliance and food sufficiency. The government should also introduce country-wide irrigation schemes and intensify crop production, expand the tourism and the mining sectors, and adopt a fundamental land reform to restructure the unequal land distribution. / Prof. Yolanda Sadie

<p>This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo / s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo / s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.</p>

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy March 2015 / The study was carried out to determine the transformation of the security institutions and related management bodies in Malawi from 1994 to 2014 as the country shifted from authoritarian rule to democratic governance. Transformation of the security sector (TSS) is the process by which a country in transitional democracy formulates or re-orients the policies, structures and capacities of security institutions, and private security groups in the security sector. Such tasks in a newly democratic Malawi required new sets of values among political leaders, the legislature, security practitioners as well as the civil society. TSS is sometimes expressed as Security Sector Reform (SSR), Security Sector Governance (SSG) and as well as Security and Justice Sector Reform (SJSR) (African Union 2010). The study employed qualitative method as the mainstay and partly some statistical data interpretation was employed using a Statistical Package for Social Sciences (SPSS) software for the purpose of data visualisation and to identify information in graphical presentation. Forty participants were involved from security institutions and management bodies (army, police intelligence, prisons services), residing in Lilongwe, the Capital City of Malawi. iii The findings reveal that the security sector and management bodies in Malawi failed to transform/perform sufficiently. The opportunity for reform was significant however it was limited because the transition to democracy stalled due to continued abuse of power by the elected authorities. This may have been a deliberate attempt by those in power in order to maintain a weak security sector and management bodies for own interests. The current structure of the security sector in Malawi may be weak for the following reasons: Lack of expertise by the elected authorities, lack of overall security reviews every year, non-existent of various security policies, lack of modern equipment and technology and last but not least, mean budgetary consideration and very low salaries to the security members. Furthermore, the basic security legislation should be reformed because Malawi inherited a legal structure from the colonial rule that requires modification. The results from this study suggest that the transition process calls for a comprehensive TSS/SSR or SSG of the entire security sector and management bodies. The government should reinforce policy action across security institutions whereby the elected authorities, legislature, security practitioners and civil societies are involved in locally owned TSS. An important fact is positive change in the level of responsiveness by the State to the rights, views and demands of its citizens. / MT2016

<p>This research study seeks to investigate how institutional arrangements impact on intra-party democracy in Malawi. Intra-party democracy is essential as it promotes party unity through reduced fragmentation and factionalism, encourages a culture of democratic debate and deliberation of critical issues within the party and therefore collective ownership of decisions. Further, it creates legitimate internal conflict management systems and finally, reduces opportunistic and arbitrary use of delegated authority. These are fundamental tenets of any functioning democratic entity. These elements of intra-party democracy are attainable if they are formerly stipulated and governed by the party&rsquo / s constitutional rules. Where such rules either do not exist or are not effectively enforced, major operational problems arise. These may include: non-inclusive candidate selection procedures, centralised coalition negotiation processes, unprocedural conflict management mechanisms and unconstitutional or illegitimate party conventions. Consequently, the resulting outcomes include party instability and factionalism stimulated by resignations and expulsions, declining electoral support and weak coalitions. These factors undermine the party&rsquo / s contribution to democracy. The next section gives the context and historical evolution of parties in Malawi.</p>

There has been only limited scholarly analysis of Malawi’s foreign policy since its independence in 1964 with key texts focusing primarily on the early years of the new state. Perhaps due to its relatively small stature – economically, politically and militarily – in the region, very little attention has been paid to the factors informing Malawi’s apparently uncritical foreign policy response to the Zimbabwe crisis since it began in the late 1990s. This thesis addresses this deficit by locating its understanding of Malawi’s contemporary foreign policy towards Zimbabwe in the broader historical and contemporary context of bilateral relations between the two states and the multilateral forum of SADCC and SADC. It is argued that the Malawi’s long-standing quest for socio-economic development has forced it to manoeuvre a pragmatic but sometimes contentious foreign policy path. This was also evident until the end of the Cold War and the concomitant demise of apartheid in South Africa in the early 1990s. Malawi forged deliberate diplomatic and economic relations with the region’s white-ruled Zimbabwe (then Southern Rhodesia) and South Africa in pursuit of its national economic interests while the majority of southern African states collectively sought the liberation of the region by facilitating the independence of Zimbabwe and countering South Africa’s apartheid and regional destabilization policies. In the contemporary era, there has been a convergence of foreign policy ambitions in the region and Malawi now coordinates its regional foreign policy within the framework of SADC, which itself prioritizes the attainment of socio-economic development. However, to understand Malawi’s response to the Zimbabwe crisis only in the context of SADC’s “quiet diplomacy” mediation efforts obscures important historically rooted socioeconomic and political factors that have informed relations between Malawi and Zimbabwe and which cannot, it is argued, be ignored if a holistic understanding of Malawi’s position is to be sought. This study argues that the nature of historical ties between Malawi and Zimbabwe and the role of Malawi’s leaders in driving its long-standing quest for socioeconomic development have not only informed its overall foreign policy behaviour in the region but underpin its contemporary relations with Zimbabwe.

The phrase a 'culture of silence' is attributed to Jerry Rawlings in the late 1980s, at a time when he was military head of state in Ghana. The irony is that he appeared to be complaining about the 'culture of silence' created by his own military regime. In a 'culture of silence' the masses are mute, that is, they are prohibited from taking part in the transformation of their society. In a neo-colonial state, a 'culture of silence' is imposed on the masses and peace and order are guaranteed by ferocious repression. The basic premise that motivates this research is that the neo-colonial state, a byproduct of the colonial state was influential in imposing the 'culture of silence' and fear in the lives of ordinary people. As such, a defining feature of the neo-colonial state, it is argued, is a 'culture of silence'. Definitions and analysis of the neocolonial state follow lines of arguments put forward by African writers such as Claude Ake, Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Mahmood Mamdani. Within this broad paradigm of neo-colonialism, and analysis of Banda's Malawi is developed which pays particular attention to a 'culture of silence'. This in turn leads to an examination of the effect of liberalization on political and civic space in Malawi. The dissertation then, examines civil society activities, during the period of transition of the Malawian state from de jure one-party to de jure multiparty. Here the key research question are: to what extent has an expansion of political space been accompanied by an expansion of civic space, and how, if at all, do civil society organizations ensure that government pays attention to the diversity of voices of the Malawian people? Are traditionally marginalized voices now heard? The objective is to examine to what extent the 'culture of silence' has been dismantled in terms of the opening up of political and civic space in order to enable a 'clamour of voices' to be heard. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT : This study investigated the political role of the Weekend Nation newspaper in the democratisation of Malawi between 2002 and 2012 within the context of its foundational and ownership structures by a politician. Bearing in mind that the newspaper was founded by a politician belonging to the first democratically elected ruling party, the United Democratic Front (UDF), this research sought to examine the impact of media ownership on the political role of the Weekend Nation’s journalistic practices in Malawi’s democratisation. Between 2002 and 2012, Malawi was governed by three presidents – Bakili Muluzi of the UDF from 1994 to 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) from 2004 to 2012, and Joyce Banda of the People’s Party (PP) from 2012 to 2014 – all of whom were hostile to the Weekend Nation. Taking into cognisance the ownership of the Weekend Nation by a politician, the critical political economy theory of the media was deemed to be the most appropriate theoretical framework for this study. In media research, the critical political economy theory asserts that owners are able to regulate the output of the media institution either by intervening in the day-to-day operations, or by establishing general goals and understandings and appointing managerial and editorial staff to implement them within the constraints set by the overall allocation of resources. The study employed a qualitative research methodology, in particular in-depth interviews and qualitative content analysis. Research findings indicate that overall, the political ownership of the newspaper had no direct bearing on the journalists’ political role in the enhancement of democracy and good governance in Malawi. It established that despite the ownership of the Weekend Nation belonging to a prominent and influential politician, the editorial independence was not compromised. Contrary to general expectations, this study established that the Weekend Nation in Malawi, was critical to the political elite in an indiscriminate manner. Although it was not the focus of this study, the research also showed that market forces, in line with the stance taken by the critical political economy theory, had some impact on the Weekend Nation’s editorial independence. The quest for more advertising revenue, to an extent, undermined the struggle for complete editorial independence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING : Hierdie studie het die politieke rol van die koerant die Weekend Nation in die demokratisering van Malawi tussen 2002 en 2012 vanuit die konteks van sy fundamentele rol en eienaarskap deur die politieke elite ondersoek. Met as vertrekpunt dat die koerant gestig is deur ’n politikus wat lid was van die eerste demokraties-verkose regerende party, die United Democratic Front (UDF), het hierdie navorsing die impak van media-eienaarskap op die politieke rol van die joernalistieke praktyke van die koerant in Malawi se demokratisering ondersoek. Tussen 2002 en 2012 is Malawi deur drie president regeer – Bakili Muluzi van die UDF van 1994 tot 2004, Bingu wa Mutharika van die Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) van 2004 tot 2012, en Joyce Banda van die People’s Party (PP) van 2012 tot 2014 – al drie was vyandiggesind teenoor die Weekend Nation. In ag genome dat die Weekend Nation aan ’n politikus behoort, is die kritiese politieke ekonomie van die media-teorie die mees toepaslike teoretiese vertrekpunt vir hierdie studie. In medianavorsing dui dié teorie daarop dat die eienaar die inhoud van die media-instelling bepaal deur hetsy inmenging in die dag tot dag uitvoering van pligte, of deur algemene doelwitte en veronderstellings wat gestel word, en deur bestuurders en joernaliste aan te stel wat dit sal uitvoer binne die bepalings van die toegewysde hulpbronne. Die studie het kwalitatiewe navorsingsmetodologie toegepas, spesifiek indiepte- onderhoude en kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalsie. Die bevindings dui daarop dat die eienaarskap van die koerant geen direkte invloed op die joernaliste se politieke rol in die versterking van demokrasie en goeie bestuur in Malawi gehad het nie. Dit het vasgestel dat, ondanks die eienaarskap van die Weekend Nation aan ’n prominente en invloedryke politikus, die redaksionele onafhanklikheid nie gekompromitteer is nie. In teenstelling met algemene verwagtings het die studie bevind dat die Weekend Nation in Malawi krities ingestel was teenoor die politieke elite sonder om enige onderskeid te tref. Hoewel dit nie ’n fokus van die studie was nie, het dit ook aangedui dat markkragte, in ooreenstemming met die kritiese politieke ekonomie-teorie, tog ’n impak op die Weekend Nation se redaksionele onafhanklikheid gehad het. Die stewe na groter advertensie-inkomste het tot ’n mate die stryd vir algehele redaksionele onafhanklikheid ondermyn.

Decentralization is an approach Malawi government is using to accelerate development. In order to achieve this, local structures like ADCs were instituted to improve community participation and enhance demand driven type of development. This study examined the effectiveness of the ADCs in decentralization. The study was conducted in TAs Chilowoko and Kalumo in Ntchisi district. Both quantitative and qualitative research methods were used. Through random sampling, 97 respondents were interviewed using a household questionnaire. Two focus group discussions and 14 key informant interviews were also done. Analysis of the quantitative data collected was done using Scientific Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) tool while the qualitative data was analyzed manually using common themes that emerged from the findings. The results show that the community members do not commonly know ADCs and that they do not have autonomy to enhance community participation in decision making. ADCs do not have the autonomy to operate as custodians of development. ADCs are also facing many challenges that include lack of operational resources, incentives, transport and political infringement. On the overall, therefore, the study recommends that there is need to create awareness on the existence of the ADCs and other local structures to the community members. Secondly, there is need to review the National Decentralization Policy, Local Government Act and the Guidebook on decentralization in Malawi / Development Studies / M. A. (Development Studies)

The thesis is divided into three parts. Part I is an introduction to the field of study and comprises only one chapter. This chapter includes short accounts of the geographical positions and the inhabitants of Zambia and Malawi. Part II deals with the constitutional history of the two countries from the introduction of European administration in the last decade of the nineteenth century to their attainment of independence in 1964--a period of seventy years. Zambia and Malawi are new states and a study of their Constitutions would not be properly appreciated if it were not to cover fairly fully the past that bore the present. Part III, which is the main section of the study, deals with the provisions of the present Constitutions of the two countries. It is divided into sixteen chapters. / Public, Constitutional, & International Law / LLD (Constitutional Law, Public International Law and Labour Law)

Thesis (MPA (School of Public Management and Planning))--University of Stellenbosch, 2005. / Soon after independence in 1964 the Malawi government made an attempt to decentralise some of its activities through the creation of district development committees. However, in practice local-level institutions were not fully operational as the one-party system of government (led by the Malawi Congress Party) tended to manipulate the autonomy and operations of these institutions. Accordingly, there was no manifestation of local participation and representation. The period of one-party rule in Malawi came to an end in 1994 with the introduction of multi-party democracy. The new government revitalised the idea of decentralised governance by passing the Local Government Act of 1998, which saw the establishment of local assemblies. Thus officially Malawi has a very supportive system in relation to citizen participation and representation through decentralised local institutions. However, in practice, there is no clear evidence that this is actually being realised. Consequently, this study was undertaken to examine the role of party politics on local participation and representation. The study was conducted in three district local assemblies of Malawi ...