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The Great Gatsby är en berömd roman som först publicerades år 1926 och skrevs av F. Scott Fitzgerald. Den är väldigt kritisk till den Amerikanska drömmen, ett koncept som har blivit starkt kopplat till kapitalismen. Detta gör det lättare att analysera texten från ett Marxistiskt perspektiv trots att marxism aldrig nämns i romanen. Denna C-uppsats kommer att fokusera på vad som motiverar karaktärerna i romanen. Eftersom romanens huvudperson Jay Gatsby redan har blivit analyserad i väldigt många artiklar och uppsatser så kommer han inte analyseras i denna uppsats. Istället kommer den att fokusera på de andra framstående karaktärerna som Daisy, Tom, Myrtle, George och Nick. När deras motivationer analyseras genom ett Marxistiskt analytiskt perspektiv framkommer det väldigt tydligt att dessa karaktärer har insett att samhället de lever i inte uppfyller deras behov, och att detta kommersialiserade samhälle är orsaken för deras olycka. / The Great Gatsby is a famous novel first published in 1926, written by F. Scott Fitzgerald. The novel frequently criticizes the American dream, a concept which has become strongly linked to capitalism. As such, the text lends itself very well to Marxist theory despite not mentioning Marxism in the novel.  This C-essay will focus on what motivates the characters of this novel. Since the novels main character Jay Gatsby has been analyzed in many articles and essays he will not be analyzed in this essay. Instead it will focus on the other prominent characters such as Daisy, Tom, Myrtle, George and Nick. When their motivations are analyzed through a Marxist analytical perspective it becomes very clear that these characters have realized that society is not fulfilling their needs, and that their commercialized society is the cause of their unhappiness.

This study of the biblical Book of Amos from Marxist and Freudian perspectives demonstrates that the critical approaches so designated complement one another well enough to be adapted and employed constructively in the study of literature and literary production. From the Marxist perspective, the method employed assumes that the literary Amos the text embodies (AmosL) has been derived from an incarnate original (AmosI) reshaped in the process of literary production to serve certain sociopolitcal interests. Following Marxs thesis that humans must be comprehended materially in the ensemble of the social relations, the social location of AmosI is theorized according to the claim that he is not a prophet but a shepherd or, as Norman Gottwald states it sociologically, a transhumant pastoral nomad. Louis Althussers concept of the idealizing function of ideology is used to argue that Amos the prophet as opposed to Amos the shepherd is a literary production of the scribes who compiled the Bible. Amos remains, however, a profound literature of alienation manifesting the high degree of hegemony that the emerging monarchical ruling class in Israel had already achieved by Amoss time.<p> From the Freudian or psychoanalytic perspective, the text exemplifies a consciousness suffering the traumatic effects of an earthquakeeffects reflected in the texts imagery, intensity of voice, incoherence, anxiety, threat of exile, and non-representability. Frank Kermodes treatment of the mythic extends the concept of the compulsion to repeat characteristic of trauma to suggest that Amos is regressively fixated upon the myth of a tribal, premonarchical Israel as a sort of golden age along the lines developed by Raymond Williams in The Country and The City. Georges Batailles concept of sacred violence in its turn underscores the potential of Amos itself to fuel fantasies and acts of violence and raises disturbing questions about the ongoing effects of the sacred canonization of violent literature.

This study of the biblical Book of Amos from Marxist and Freudian perspectives demonstrates that the critical approaches so designated complement one another well enough to be adapted and employed constructively in the study of literature and literary production. From the Marxist perspective, the method employed assumes that the literary Amos the text embodies (AmosL) has been derived from an incarnate original (AmosI) reshaped in the process of literary production to serve certain sociopolitcal interests. Following Marxs thesis that humans must be comprehended materially in the ensemble of the social relations, the social location of AmosI is theorized according to the claim that he is not a prophet but a shepherd or, as Norman Gottwald states it sociologically, a transhumant pastoral nomad. Louis Althussers concept of the idealizing function of ideology is used to argue that Amos the prophet as opposed to Amos the shepherd is a literary production of the scribes who compiled the Bible. Amos remains, however, a profound literature of alienation manifesting the high degree of hegemony that the emerging monarchical ruling class in Israel had already achieved by Amoss time.<p> From the Freudian or psychoanalytic perspective, the text exemplifies a consciousness suffering the traumatic effects of an earthquakeeffects reflected in the texts imagery, intensity of voice, incoherence, anxiety, threat of exile, and non-representability. Frank Kermodes treatment of the mythic extends the concept of the compulsion to repeat characteristic of trauma to suggest that Amos is regressively fixated upon the myth of a tribal, premonarchical Israel as a sort of golden age along the lines developed by Raymond Williams in The Country and The City. Georges Batailles concept of sacred violence in its turn underscores the potential of Amos itself to fuel fantasies and acts of violence and raises disturbing questions about the ongoing effects of the sacred canonization of violent literature.

Thesis (M.A.)--Memorial University of Newfoundland, 2001. / Bibliography: leaves 129-140. Also available online.

Much has been written in recent years about the role of landownership in British society and, particularly, in structuring the social relations of 'rural' areas. There has also been a growing interest in the way social processes are 'patterned' geographically and are themselves shaped by contingent spatial circumstances. This thesis has two basic aims First, to examine the changing role of landownership - specifically, the relationship between capital and land - in the processes of economic restructuring in three economic sectors: agriculture, housebuilding and manufacturing. Second, to evaluate marxist rent theory as an explanatory tool for understanding the capital-land relationship, and draw some conclusions on the extent to which this theory can be operationalised. Finally, we will consider whether the capital-land relation imparts a unique stamp on the social processes effective in one specific location, a stamp which gives it a distinctiveness as a 'locality'. Landownership is therefore used as a way of examining the links between spatial relations and social processes, of probing the relationship between 'general' changes at the level of the British nation state and changes in one concrete location. The thesis takes as its case study a parish in West Suffolk and considers the way the capital-land relation has changed since the mid-nineteenth century, continually drawing on an analysis of the changes in Britain as a whole. Conclusions are drawn on the utility of rent theory, on the nature of 'locality' and on the role of landownership in structuring the social relations of contemporary 'rural' areas.

Thesis (Ph.D.) -- McMaster University, 2006. / Supervisor: Imre Szeman. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 216-233).

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2009. / English Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 2007. / Supervisors: Louis Schwartz, Mitsuhiro Yoshimoto. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-267).

This thesis focuses upon a significant body of contemporary French political thought which takes as its starting point a contention that both the monist and doctrinaire political precepts dating from the Revolution and the consequent Hegelian, Marxist and structuralist thinking linked to these precepts have become anachronistic and hence have little relevance in present-day France. The originality of this doctoral thesis lies in the analysis of the work of seven political thinkers. All of these thinkers, recognizing a break in the continuity of French political thought consequent upon the claim of François Furet that the "Revolution is complete", have sought to rationalize and reconcile the values of individualism, humanism and modernity in contemporary France. In contrast to the political thinkers of the Sartrean generation, whose work took little account of the actual practice of politics, in the seven thinkers seek to relate the philosophical problems inherent in considerations of individual and communal rights and values to the present-day political environment. Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values . This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers . Each of the seven has sought to rationalize a political situation, novel in France, of an acceptance of the concept of agreeing to differ on matters of substance and of a recognition that a modern democratic state is heteronomous and may contain a substantial range of incommensurable values. This amounts to an acceptance of agonistic value pluralism, that is, of the idea of political conflict which is constructive (by contrast with the destructive conflict of revolutionary-inspired doctrines) and which leads to the evolution of arguments broadly acceptable to a majority in situations in which there is a clash of values. Thus the practice of politics has become a succession of endeavours to arrive at optimum solutions to conflictual problems, rather than a search after chimerical, maxirnalist answers.