O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre os primeiros anos do futebol carioca, sua inserção no mundo capitalista e seu papel como catalisador de uma ordem social competitiva necessária ao desenvolvimento pleno deste sistema econômico durante a Primeira República e os primeiros anos da Era Vargas. A pesquisa recai sobre um clube em especial, o Vasco da Gama. Seus dirigentes, na maior parte das vezes ligados à classe empresarial da colônia portuguesa, tomaram atitudes inovadoras e até mesmo revolucionárias para o período. Enquanto os principais clubes da Capital defendiam um futebol elitizado, branco e amador, os diretores vascaínos introduziram em seu recém-montado time de futebol elementos das mais variadas camadas da sociedade, muitos deles mulatos e negros, e, em sua maioria, analfabetos, profissionalizando-os. Construíram aquele que chegou a ser o maior estádio de futebol da América do Sul e transformaram o clube em um dos maiores do mundo em menos de vinte anos de prática deste esporte. Dessa maneira, a colônia portuguesa conseguiu meios para fugir ao preconceito exacerbado que sofria na cidade e inseriu definitivamente os jogadores de origem humilde no seio dos grandes clubes como proletários do futebol. / The present paper is the result of a study about the first years of football in Rio de Janeiro, its insertion in the world of capitalism and its role as the focus point of the competitive social order that was necessary to the full development of this economic system during the Primeira República (First Republican Period) and the first years of Era Vargas. The research focused mainly on one football club Vasco da Gama. The club directors, most of which were somehow related to entrepreneurs from the Portuguese colony in the city, took innovative actions, which were quite revolutionary for that period. Whereas the main clubs in the capital city defended football as a white amateur practice for the elite, Vasco directors introduced players from the most varied social strata many were black or mulatto, and most of them were illiterate - and attempted to professionalize them. They built a football stadium, which came to be the largest in South America, and changed their club into one of the most important clubs in the world, in less than twenty years dedicated to that sport. By doing so, the Portuguese colony found their ways to escape from the widespread prejudice of which they were victims in the city and definitely inserted players from lower-classes into the big clubs, changing them into football proletarians.

O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre os primeiros anos do futebol carioca, sua inserção no mundo capitalista e seu papel como catalisador de uma ordem social competitiva necessária ao desenvolvimento pleno deste sistema econômico durante a Primeira República e os primeiros anos da Era Vargas. A pesquisa recai sobre um clube em especial, o Vasco da Gama. Seus dirigentes, na maior parte das vezes ligados à classe empresarial da colônia portuguesa, tomaram atitudes inovadoras e até mesmo revolucionárias para o período. Enquanto os principais clubes da Capital defendiam um futebol elitizado, branco e amador, os diretores vascaínos introduziram em seu recém-montado time de futebol elementos das mais variadas camadas da sociedade, muitos deles mulatos e negros, e, em sua maioria, analfabetos, profissionalizando-os. Construíram aquele que chegou a ser o maior estádio de futebol da América do Sul e transformaram o clube em um dos maiores do mundo em menos de vinte anos de prática deste esporte. Dessa maneira, a colônia portuguesa conseguiu meios para fugir ao preconceito exacerbado que sofria na cidade e inseriu definitivamente os jogadores de origem humilde no seio dos grandes clubes como proletários do futebol. / The present paper is the result of a study about the first years of football in Rio de Janeiro, its insertion in the world of capitalism and its role as the focus point of the competitive social order that was necessary to the full development of this economic system during the Primeira República (First Republican Period) and the first years of Era Vargas. The research focused mainly on one football club Vasco da Gama. The club directors, most of which were somehow related to entrepreneurs from the Portuguese colony in the city, took innovative actions, which were quite revolutionary for that period. Whereas the main clubs in the capital city defended football as a white amateur practice for the elite, Vasco directors introduced players from the most varied social strata many were black or mulatto, and most of them were illiterate - and attempted to professionalize them. They built a football stadium, which came to be the largest in South America, and changed their club into one of the most important clubs in the world, in less than twenty years dedicated to that sport. By doing so, the Portuguese colony found their ways to escape from the widespread prejudice of which they were victims in the city and definitely inserted players from lower-classes into the big clubs, changing them into football proletarians.

From pioneer times of C. W. Ceram on, many media-archaeology scholars' attention was attracted by on of the most monumental apparatuses - a panorama. Like in a case of many other optical toys, the panorama contains several phenomena of film medium a long time before its invention. In addition to that, the panorama is considered to be the first form of mass entertainment ever. All of its characteristics were defined already by Robert Barker, a British painter and an inventor of the panoramic painting. Contrary to an original way of its commercial exhibiting, a group of panoramas of the late 19th century was produced in a context of nationalist movements in Central Europe. This very group of panoramas is the main object of this thesis. Its main goal is to define an emancipatory-patriotic panorama as a specific media genre. Furthermore, related problems of media constancy, collective identity, and memory spaces are examined.

This study discusses how motion picture spectatorship practices in Brooklyn developed separately from that of any other urban center in the United States between 1893 and 1928. Often overshadowed by Manhattan's glamorous cultural districts, Brooklyn's cultural arbiters adopted the motion picture as a means of asserting a sense of independence from the other New York boroughs. This argument is reinforced by focusing on the motion picture's ascendancy as one of the first forms of mass entertainment to be disseminated throughout New York City in congruence with the Borough of Brooklyn's rapid urbanization. In many significant areas Brooklyn's relationship with the motion picture was largely unique from anywhere else in New York. These differences are best illuminated through several key examples ranging from the manner in which Brooklyn's political and religious authorities enforced film censorship to discussing how the motion picture was exhibited and the way theaters proliferated throughout the borough Lastly this work will address the ways in which members of the Brooklyn community influenced the production practices of the films made at several Brooklyn-based film studios. Ultimately this work sets out to explain how an independent community was able to determine its own form of cultural expression through its relationship with mass entertainment.