Many studies on the power dynamics of Maya groups focused on large ceremonial sites, but more recent research, including this study, has identified similar dynamics within Maya hinterland societies. Hinterlands are the remote or less developed areas of a region, and generally associated with subsistence agriculture. The increasing prevalence of hinterland settlement studies in the Maya Lowlands find densely populated landscapes with a range of mound sizes and arrangements (e.g., formal east-focused plaza groups, less formal courtyard groups, informal clusters, isolated mounds), as well as a diverse assortment of features. Settlement and soil physiography studies have demonstrated the socio-economic impact of environmentally diverse landscapes, with small variations leading to an uneven distribution of economically important resources. In this study, I investigate the socio-economic organization of the Medicinal Trail hinterland community, located in northwestern Belize of the Maya Lowlands. Specifically, I argue that the limited nature of good agricultural land in the Maya Lowlands provided an opportunity for the inhabitants of pioneering households to establish a basis for wealth that those who arrived later could not replicate. The monopolization of this land led to inequality which was maintained through the construction of ancestral shrines. The inhabitants of the two largest and oldest formal groups within the community, Groups A and B, represent Maya commoners whose economic and socio-political status was elevated above most of the community’s inhabitants, providing them with limited social power. This power, however, was dynamic and shifted as a result of agentic struggles between Groups A and B, as they vied for community leadership. Evidence suggests that community power was held first by the inhabitants of Group A during the Late Preclassic and later, during the same period, shifted to Group B, where it was held until abandonment. Evidence for Postclassic pilgrimages at Group B substantiates the later importance of this group. Though the inhabitants of Group A were no longer community leaders, they remained a wealthy and, likely, influential household through the Classic period. This study demonstrates the complex and dynamic nature of hinterland commoner social organization. / text

Diss. Göteborg : University, 2003.

archives@tulane.edu / A large gap between indigenous and non-indigenous people exist in Guatemala. I propose that this gap exists in part due to the intentional exclusion of indigenous related content, such as indigenous languages and pre-Columbian history, from the national curriculum. Ladinos see Maya and other indigenous groups as inferior mainly because they ignore their customs, languages, and cultures. In order to remediate this issue, the Maya Scripta project developed an online database containing Maya hieroglyphic inscriptions. This brings to the public information usually available only in specialized professional journals and mostly in English. Maya Scripta allows professionals, students, amateurs, and curious to access Maya inscriptions and their translation in Spanish for free and in a friendly and interactive display. This compensates for the lack of information in the school system. A community-engaged project developed with the Regional Museum of Southeastern Petén, Juan Pedro Laporte Molina, in Dolores, Petén, tested this hypothesis. The project consists of three axes: Marketing and Exposure, Exhibition, and Education. Through the first two axes we increased the number of visitors to the museum and improved the overall visit experience. The third and most important axis consisted of pairing with the museum and Universidad del Valle de Guatemala to develop workshops for local students from Dolores using the online platform of Maya Scripta. Through them, they learned about ancient and modern Maya, alongside with how the Maya hieroglyphic writing system works. As students attended more workshops, they increased their knowledge about the Maya and also had a more positive perception, proving the usefulness of Maya Scripta as a teaching tool and the importance of including indigenous related content in the classroom. Surveys also found that the environment where students interact plays an important role in how they understand Maya groups and also on what ethnic filiation students show. The project proved how a community-engaged approach can yield better results for all the parties involved in a collaborative, effective, and successful way. / 1 / Ruben Morales Forte

Maize is universally considered to be the basis of prehispanic Maya foodways and maize-beans-squash agriculture the primary means of food acquisition. This narrow view is attributable to a lack of direct evidence and an oversimplification of the ethnographic data. In this dissertation I employ new methods to recover evidence of ancient plant foods at Escalera al Cielo (EAC)—a Terminal Classic (A.D. 800-950) Puuc Maya settlement located in Yucatán, Mexico—and challenge the notion that all Maya everywhere ate an unvarying diet of agricultural staples. By highlighting the tremendous variety of environments, foods, and food practices as well as the potential biases contained within the ethnohistorical and ethnographic literature, I use the archaeological evidence to reevaluate established models and explore daily food practices at EAC. The research focuses on domestic spaces from three excavated households, the artifacts that formed part of the culinary toolkit (e.g., ceramic vessels, grinding stones, chipped stone tools, and fired clay balls), and microbotanical residues (phytoliths and starch) associated with these spaces and artifacts. Modal analyses of artifacts and identifications of their residues permit testing of functional assumptions about culinary implements (e.g., "maize grinding stones"). The results reveal that most implements were multifunctional and that the food prepared and consumed at EAC included a range of cultivated and wild resources in addition to the expected staple ingredients of maize, beans, and multiple varieties of squash. There are also abundant starch residues from chile peppers (ground for seasonings and salsas), palm phytoliths that may represent foodstuffs, and at least three root crops—arrowroot, manioc, and Zamia sp.—the first of which may have been an additional staple ingredient. These new data illuminate regional food preferences, techniques of preparation, the diversity of food production and procurement strategies, symbolic associations of certain foods (identified in ritual contexts), and the skill and labor required of women who are widely considered to have been responsible for most food practices.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OF PHILLIP JULIUS WANYERKA, for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in ANTHROPOLOGY, presented on 25, February 2009, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: CLASSIC MAYA POLITICAL ORGANIZATION: EPIGRAPHIC EVIDENCE OF HIERARCHICAL ORGANIZATION IN THE SOUTHERN MAYA MOUNTAINS REGION OF BELIZE MAJOR PROFESSORS: Dr. Charles A. Hofling and Dr. Don S. Rice This project investigates the nature of Classic Maya (A.D. 300-900) political organization from the hieroglyphic inscriptions of sites located in the Southern Maya Mountains Region of Belize, Central America. Using recent models of political integration as suggested by Grube and Martin (1994, 1995, 1998a, 1998b, 1998c), as well as by Rice (2004), I have sought to understand and define the basic political principles that operated during the Classic Period. In my view, Classic Maya political organization was structured by a combination of hegemonic practice informed by Maya calendrical science, namely the 256-year cycle known as the may. Scholars have struggled in their attempts to define and reconstruct Classic Maya political organization. Most of the previous approaches to this issue have been derived from anthropological theory based on various social, geographic, economic, and political factors observed or deduced from the archaeological record or from ethnographic analogies to pre-industrial peoples far-removed from Mesoamerican cultural tradition. Both Martin and Grube, and Rice's political models are based on the ethnohistoric descriptions and analogies to Postclassic and early Colonial Period Maya, the Mixtecs, and the Aztecs as well as the decipherment of several key hieroglyphic expressions that indicate agency, alliance, subordination, and warfare. This approach may explain how Classic Maya polities operated intra-regionally and how they interacted inter-regionally using the Maya's own written inscriptions as the basis for interpretation. The strength of this approach is its ability to illuminate possible avenues of archaeological research by revealing epigraphic relationships that can then be tested. By combining the methods of epigraphy, archaeology, and a direct historical approach to the hieroglyphic inscriptions of this region, I have not only been able to reconstruct the dynastic history of sites in the region, but I have also been able to reconstruct the political affiliations and hierarchies that existed among sites in this poorly understood region of the southern Maya Lowlands. The data presented here are restricted to the four major emblem-glyph-bearing sites in the region that recorded hieroglyphic texts: Lubaantún, Nim Li Punit, Pusilhá, and Uxbenká.

[EN] The Mayan civilization is, undoubtedly, the most advanced of those that flourished in America during pre-Columbian times. During its heyday period, the ancient Maya built large cities and created large residential areas where they erected an impressive architecture in harmony with the ferocious nature that surrounded them. Today, the testimony of these settlements comes immersed in a wild environment, buried under abundant vegetation and even the collapse of the same architectural structures itself. The rediscovery of these ruins arose scientific curiosity for this culture. Since then, research and conservation approaches have been evolving, influenced by several factors that have determined the state in which these remains have survived to this day. The history of Maya architectural heritage conservation that is shaped by these interventions not only expresses the spirit of an era, but also provides precise clues to understand its current state, the reasons for its decline and the chances of recovery. The present study addresses the critical analysis of this history and, in particular, the early experiences of conservation, which were performed by institutions that, at the eve of the 20th century, started systematic long-term research projects, that represented a real turning point for the safeguarding of this heritage. With this purpose the research presents a comparative analysis of the regulatory environment and institutional framework related to the conservation of the Maya architectural heritage and its evolution over the course of history in the different countries that now occupy the Maya area. Once this context is set, a documentary study addresses those first interventions providing the analysis of unpublished sources preserved in the archives of the responsible institutions for such projects. / [ES] La civilización maya es sin duda la más avanzada de aquellas que florecieron en el continente americano en época precolombina. Durante su época de apogeo, los antiguos mayas construyeron grandes ciudades extensas urbanizaciones donde erigieron una imponente arquitectura en equilibrio con la naturaleza que les rodeaba. Hoy, el testimonio de aquellas ciudades nos llega inmerso en un medio agreste, sepultado bajo abundante vegetación e incluso el propio derrumbe de las mismas estructuras arquitectónicas. El redescubrimiento de estas ruinas despertó la curiosidad científica por esta cultura. Desde entonces, la investigación y conservación de este patrimonio no ha dejado de evolucionar, influido por una serie de factores que han determinado el estado en el que estos vestigios han llegado hasta nuestros días. La historia de la conservación del patrimonio arquitectónico maya que configuran estas intervenciones no solo expresa el espíritu de una época, sino que aporta claves precisas para comprender la situación de este patrimonio, las razones de su deterioro y las posibilidades de recuperación. El presente estudio aborda el análisis crítico de esta historia y, en particular, de las primeras experiencias de conservación, protagonizadaspor una serie de instituciones que, en los albores del siglo XX, iniciaron los primeros proyectos a largo plazo de investigación sistematizada, suponiendo un auténtico punto de inflexión para la ssalvaguarda de este patrimonio. Con este objetivo se analizan comparativamente el ámbito normativo y el marco institucional relativos a la conservación del patrimonio arquitectónico maya y su evolución en el transcurso de la historia en los distintos países que hoy ocupan el área maya. Una vez establecido este contexto, se aborda el estudio documental de aquellas primeras intervenciones, aportando el análisis de fuentes inéditas conservadas en los archivos de las instituciones responsables de dichos trabajos. / [CA] La civilització maia és sense dubte la més avançada de les que van florir al continent americà en època precolombina. Durant el seu apogeu, els antics maies van construir grans ciutats, creant extenses urbanitzacions on erigiren una important arquitectura en equilibri amb la natura que les envoltava. Hui, el testimoni d'aquells assentaments ens arriba immers en un medi agrest, sepultat sota l'abundant vegetació e inclús el propi enderrocament de les estructures arquitectòniques. El redescobriment d' aquestes ruïnes va despertar la curiositat científica per aquesta cultura. Des d' aquell moment, la investigació i conservació d'aquest patrimoni no ha deixat d'evolucionar, influïda per una sèrie de factors que han determinat l'estat en el que aquestos vestigis han arribat fins els nostres dies. La història de la conservació del patrimoni arquitectònic maia que configuren aquestes intervencions no sols reflexa l'esperit d'una época sinó que aporta claus precises per a comprendre la situació actual d'aquest patrimoni, les raons del seu deteriorament i les possibilitats de recuperació. El present estudi aborda l'anàlisi crític d'aquesta història i, en particular, de les primeres experiències de conservació, protagonitzades per una sèrie d'institucions que, als albors del segle XX, iniciaren els primers projectes a llarg termini d'investigació sistematitzada, suposant un autèntic punt d'inflexió per a la salvaguarda d'aquest patrimoni. Amb aquest objectiu, s' analitzen comparativament l' àmbit normatiu i el marc institucional relatius a la conservació del patrimoni arquitectònic maia i la seua evolució al transcurs de la historia al diversos països que hui ocupen l'àrea maia. Establert aquest context, s'aborda l'estudi documental d'aquelles primeres intervencions aportant l'anàlisi de fonts inèdites conservades als arxius de les institucions responsables dels treballs / Matarredona Desantes, N. (2015). La conservación del patrimonio arquitectónico maya. Primeras experiencias (1891-1969) [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/58983 / Premios Extraordinarios de tesis doctorales

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Dissertation--Fakultät für Kulturwissenschaften--Universität Tübingen, 1994. / Contient le texte "Tattvaprakāśavr̥tti" en sanskrit translittéré accompagné de la traduction allemande. Bibliogr. p. 169-176.

This goal of this dissertation is to participate in the study of funerary ritual for the Classic Maya. My approach evaluates comparatively the seven royal mortuary contexts from the city of Copán, Honduras during the Classic period from the early 5th century to early 9th century CE, in order to draw out the ideas that infused the ritual behavior. It is concerned with analyzing the tomb as a ritual context that is a materialization of a community's ideas about death and the afterlife. The heart is the data gathered from my participation in the excavation of the Classic period royal tomb called the Oropéndola Tomb. In addition to the archaeological data, the project draws from ethnohistoric, ethnographic, epigraphic, and iconographic sources as important loci for ideas of how to interpret the archaeological data. The project stands at the intersection of the work by Patricia McAnany's (1995; 1998; 1999) on the role of ancestors in Maya life, James Fitzsimmon's (2002, 2009) comparison of mortuary ritual across sites, and Meredith Chesson's (2001c) study on the relationship between social memory, identity and mortuary practice. The analysis of the Oropéndola Tomb and its comparison to other royal tombs at Copán was an opportunity to investigate our understanding of Classic Maya conceptualizations of death and the afterlife within one city. After a consideration of how to identify a Maya royal tomb, I was able to confirm that the Oropéndola Tomb is a royal tomb that likely belonged to one of rulers of the site during the second half of the 5th century CE, and that it contains funerary offerings that reflect the identity of the deceased in his role as a warrior and contains information reflecting how the Maya of Classic period Copán conceptualized the afterlife. / Anthropology