Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University, 1981. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 63-68). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of London, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [331]-405).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University College, University of London, 1985. / BLDSC reference no.: DX194568. Includes bibliographical references.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, November, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 210-237 )

No description available.

Johnson & Johnson (J&J) has been viewed as a role model by many organizations for its successful handling of a 1982 crisis involving cyanide-laced Tylenol capsules that resulted in seven deaths. The public relations community applauded J&J for a swift response and for promptly implementing actions to prevent a similar crisis from occurring in the future. However more recently, J&J has become a poster child for poor crisis communications amidst a flood of recalls that started in November 2009. The present study used concepts from Coombs’ (2004) Situational Crisis Communication Theory (SCCT) and media framing research to develop a coding scheme for a content analysis of newspaper coverage surrounding the 1982 Tylenol recall as well as current recalls issued by J&J from November 2009 through April 2012. The samples included newspaper articles from New York Times and Chicago Tribune. Results showed that most of the stories in both samples did not evaluate J&J’s operational response or reputation overall. However, when the news coverage did evaluate J&J, coverage from the 1982 sample was positive and evenly balanced between favorable and unfavorable, compared to negative and unfavorable in the current sample. Additionally, when crisis type was mentioned in the coverage, the 1982 crisis was more likely described as a victim crisis while the current crises were more likely described as an accident or preventable crisis. When the 1982 sample was examined for mentions of previous recalls there were none compared to 80.5% of the current sample mentioning a previous recall. The results support the tenets of SCCT, information giving strategies and reputation management strategies. Additionally, the results provide valuable iii information for crisis managers regarding the media’s inclusion or, lack thereof, organizations’ controlled media such as news releases.

This study utilizes correspondence, memoirs, and secondary sources to explore the lives and careers of six Continental Navy captains?Esek Hopkins, Joshua Barney, John Paul Jones, Hector McNeill, Lambert Wickes, and John Barry?and reveal the motivational factors of patriotism, a desire for fame and professional advancement, and financial stability which underlay their decisions to seek commissions in the Continental Navy, and influenced their conduct while in the service. Additionally, it suggests that prewar interactions in an "Atlantic World" context influenced the ideological and personal motivations that formed the foundations for service in the Continental Navy. All three motivations played a role in each captain's career and affected their conduct in relation to their understandings of duty, but the degree to which they influenced the captains varied. Although the promise of a steady income helped motivate initial service, financial considerations played a larger role throughout Barney's and Barry's careers than they did for other captains. The desire for fame and personal prestige also affected the conduct and service of all six men, though Jones and Hopkins provide more concrete examples of its influence. Finally, experiences interacting with West Indies and Atlantic trade networks before the war likely influenced the captains' development of revolutionary principles, and their dedication to the United States. In addition to patriotism, Jones professed a devotion to universal principles of liberty and rights, and McNeill perceived the Revolution as an attempt to establish God's Kingdom of the Just. The degree to which each captain succeeded in achieving his goals, and the affect his Continental service had on employment after the Revolution, also varied significantly. Hopkins failed as the navy's commander-in-chief, but his performance did not negatively impact his social and political standing in his native Rhode Island. Unlike McNeill, Captains Barry, Barney and Jones also utilized their networks of friends and acquaintances well, helping them find prestigious and stable employment in other seagoing capacities after the war. Wickes died in 1777, but his brief service also suggests he would have achieved success had he survived.

This thesis studies the relationships between newcomers employed by the Hudson’s Bay Company at Fort Simpson and the Ts’msyen people who came to live outside the fort from its establishment in Ts’msyen territory in 1834 until the founding of a Christian Ts’msyen village at Metlakatla in 1862. I argue that a mutually intelligible – if not equally understood – world was developed at this site in which the lives of these newcomers and local Ts’msyen people became intertwined and somewhat interdependent. While this world was not characterized by universal conditions of fellowship and trust it did involve shared Ts’msyen-newcomer participation in significant cultural activities, the repurposing or remaking of each other’s customs, and jointly developed practices in which customs from both groups were intermingled. I propose that some of these practices, particularly those of law and marriage, can be considered as culturally hybrid. This study suggests the compromised position of the HBC on the northern Northwest Coast, Ts’msyen cultural disposition, and dynamics of power within and between these groups fostered the development a mutually intelligible world and hybrid Ts’msyen-newcomer practices. Far from any centre of British power, greatly outnumbered by the Ts’msyen, and soon out-armed, the newcomers of Fort Simpson were particularly vulnerable. Ts’msyen people, it is claimed, generally valued innovation and had a long-established system for acquiring ownership of changes brought from outside into their communities. Ts’msyen women had a special role in this process. Moreover, both the Ts’msyen and the newcomers had hierarchically structured societies in which displays of power and authority were important. These local circumstances were fundamental to the formation of the hybrid institutions of marriage and law at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams and to the other complex social and cultural interactions of the two groups documented here. While this study acknowledges that Ts’msyen and newcomer people had distinct motivations for entering relationships with each other, for sharing and cross-participating in customs of the other, and for developing new joint and hybrid practices, it argues that for both groups power and authority were crucial factors. The distinct circumstances which made a mutually intelligible world possible at Fort Simpson/Laxłgu’alaams came to an end in 1862. The return of smallpox in Ts’msyen territory, the removal of the missionary William Duncan and his followers from Fort Simpson to Metlakatla, and the increasing colonial regulation of Indigenous people brought an end to the brief period of accommodation and collaboration between HBC newcomers and Ts’msyen people.