<p> <i>The Object of Zionism</i> investigates the fabrication of the State of Israel as a unique project in modern history&mdash;unprecedented in its relative scope and rates of growth; ideological and visionary roots; political and ethical circumstances; and concentration of architectural experiments. These experiments entailed the molding of a new artificial landscape and infrastructure, the destruction and expulsion of indigenous Palestinian communities, and the construction of dozens of New Towns and hundreds of new rural settlements for Jewish refugees and immigrants. Indeed, contrary to common belief and to visual impression, the State of Israel was not born of haphazard improvisation, emergency routine, or speculative ventures, and certainly not of gradual autochthonous build-up, but rather of the objective to construct a comprehensive, controlled, and efficient model-State and put into praxis modernist regional, urban, architectural, and sociological theories. </p><p> The Dissertation is conceived along the intricate dialectics of <i> Land and State.</i> These two foundational notions are positioned not as a diachronic sequence (referring until 1948 to the <i>Land of Israel </i> and thereafter to the <i>State of Israel</i>), but, quite the contrary, as an immanent bipolar condition informing all textual manifestos and spatial manifestations that may be referred to as Zionist. </p><p> Chapter 1 describes Zionism as an ideologically rural construct, as a strategically expansionist movement, and as an architecturally inventive culture, producing ever more new settlement typologies. </p><p> Chapter 2 studies the initial master-plan of the State of Israel, published in 1951. This plan, within less than a decade, transformed from a statement of 4 principles into a mega-project transcending its originators and becoming a self-generating planning machine. </p><p> Chapter 3 depicts the attempt to constitute a continuous political hegemony and a consensual cultural uniformity in Israel of the 1950s and to support such an official "Statist" attitude by a conscious and fairly elaborate architectural discourse. </p><p> Chapter 4 examines both the efficiency and benevolence of the welfare-state and its coercive policy of social engineering associated with the ambitious project of mass housing. </p><p> Chapter 5 narrates the all-too-decisive absorption of Brutalist architecture in Israel, and its instantaneous diffusion throughout all private and public sectors, programs, and typologies.</p>

<p> As the sole stable democracy in the Middle East and the only Jewish democratic country in the world, Israel faces unique challenges. The intersection of religion and civic responsibility has been a central internal conflict since Israel's founding in 1948, and today has reached a critical breaking point. The Haredim are a rapidly growing insular Ultra-Orthodox segment of Israel's Jewish population that have wielded disproportionate political influence since the birth of the nation. Refusing to seek jobs in a secular economy or participate in the military, these Jews perceive themselves as an independent religious community and actively seek to preserve that distinction. As Ultra-Orthodox, this community embraces only the most stringent interpretations of the Jewish bible, called the Torah, and insists that Israel's democracy incorporate central tenets of biblical law within its governing bodies. The Haredim's fervent rejection of the economic, educational, social, and military pillars that constitute the backbone of modern-day Israel comes at a high cost to the state. High unemployment rates and a refusal to participate in Israel's conscription military place the Haredim at odds with the vast majority of Jewish Israelis who do not share their values and pay large sums of money to support them. The Haredim currently comprise 11 percent of the total population and are expected to reach 18 percent by 2030. The social, economic, and military implications of this growth are dire and the need for remediation is urgent. A critical and thorough examination of evidence and primary sources supports this urgency. In 2014, a dramatic political shift in Israel enabled the current governing coalition to take a litigious approach towards addressing its shared future with the Haredim. Haredi compliance with new laws is unlikely given that the Haredim feel duty-bound only to the Torah, yet an emerging middle-class of Haredim who embrace secular values while retaining their religious roots may be the key to preserving Haredi values while encouraging more responsible civic participation. It is difficult to envision a future in which Israel is militarily strong, financially solvent, and able to preserve itself for future generations if Israel cannot thoughtfully address its complicated relationship with the Haredim.</p>

In this study, I will argue that the difference between profane love and sacred love, as examined in Jāmī's masnavī Yūsuf va Zulaykhā, can be conceptualized through vision and narrative planning. Jami's tale centers on Zulaykhā's love for Yusuf and her subsequent conversion to monotheism. The text makes extensive use of the sense of sight, especially through the trope of jelvah-i maḥbūb, the blinding hierophany of the beloved, to create meaning and to illustrate the transformation of Zulaykhā's profane love into sacred love. This transformation occurs in several stages, each of which conveys philosophical and mystical doctrines from Ibn 'Arabī. / Lors de cette étude, nous argumenterons que la différence entre l'amour profane et l'amour sacré, tel que présentée par Jāmī dans le masnavī Yūsuf va Zulaykhā, peut s'exprimer par la vision et la répartition du récit. Le récit de Jāmī se concentre autour de l'amour de Zulaykhā pour Yūsuf et sa conséquente conversion au monothéisme. Le texte utilise le sens de la vue , surtout à travers la figure de style jelvah-i maḥbūb, la hiérophanie éblouissante du bien-aimé, afin d'illustrer et de donner un sens à la transformation de l'amour profane de Zulaykhā en amour sacré. Cette transformation a lieu en plusieurs étapes, chacune communiquant des doctrines mystiques et philosophiques d'Ibn 'Arabī.

This dissertation explores the position of Gypsies in the sixteenth century Ottoman Empire in an engagement with the formidable material, historiographical and conceptual challenges that this venture entails. These challenges stem from the limitations of the sources on Gypsies, the variety of narratives produced in contemporary scholarship on the history of Gypsies and deployment of contested concepts such as "marginality," "ethnicity" and "race" with almost no problematization, contextualization and historicization. Chapter one discusses theoretical and conceptual challenges through looking at various studies on those positioned on the margins, chapter two deals with the material challenges and introduces the historical sources and their limitations. Here I pay particular attention on the court records and how they have been used in Ottoman historiography up until now, as the court records of Üsküdar extending from 1530 – 1585 constitute the backbone of this dissertation. Following this methodological overview of the sources, Chapter three and four are a macro analysis of Ottoman social and moral landscapes. Here an attempt is made to position Gypsies within this contested landscape. Then the thesis takes a rather micro turn, though it should not be considered as a micro-history. In chapter five, Üsküdar's local court and its records are introduced as well as some of the problems encountered in studying Gypsies through the prism of these court records. Chapter six is where my argument comes together and binds the various parts of the dissertation. Reading the court records in communication with the kanunnames, mühimme registers and published research on the tahrir registers, it is an attempt to demonstrate hybridity and diversity within the community of Gypsies. After demonstrating this diversity within the category 'Gypsy', chapter seven attempts to analyze how the Ottoman Imperial state appropriated what I call a "community in motion" at various levels into its administrative system. Through considering the state's various policies especially those regarding taxation, settlement and the incorporation of many Gypsies in the Balkans within the structure of the auxiliary military forces – müsellems - yet at the same time (ideally) excluding them from joining the Janissary corps, I argue that the Ottoman state policy vis a vis Gypsies in the sixteenth century Balkan and Anatolia was neither uniform nor did the ruling authorities have a singular and monolithic view of Gypsies. One of the main conclusions of this dissertation is that the legal, social and economic status of Gypsies in the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century is much more complicated than what can merely be characterized as marginalization or toleration. The interaction of the Gypsies, both with the state and with the Ottoman society at large, was simultaneously both hostile and symbiotic. / Ce mémoire étudie la position des tziganes dans l'Empire ottoman du seizième siècle en engageant avec les défis matériaux, historiographiques et conceptuels formidables qu'entraine cette entreprise. Ces défis proviennent des sources limités sur les tziganes, des récits variables de la recherche contemporaine sur leur histoire, et l'emploi de concepts contestés comme la marginalité, l'ethnicité et la race sans aucun effort de problématisation, contextualisation ou historicisation. Le premier chapitre discute les défis théoriques et conceptuels à travers plusieurs études sur les marginalisés, tandis que le deuxième chapitre fait connaître les défis documentaires en introduisant les matériaux historiques et leurs limitations. Ici je concentre sur les documents judiciaires et la manière dans laquelle on les a exploités dans l'historiographie ottomane jusqu'à présent, et ca parce que les documents d'Üsküdar qui datent des années 1530-1585 représentent le noyau de ce mémoire. Enchainant avec ce survol des sources, les troisième et quatrième chapitres constituent une macroanalyse du paysage social et morale. Une tentative est faite ici à localiser les tziganes dans ce paysage. À ce point, le mémoire tourne vers le plan micro, sans pour autant devenir une micro-histoire en soi. Dans le cinquième chapitre, la cour régionale d'Üsküdar et ses documents judiciaires sont introduits ainsi que certains problèmes qui se présentent dans l'étude des tziganes à travers le prisme de ces documents. Le sixième chapitre représente le cœur de mon argumentation et c'est ici ou sont liés les différents fils du mémoire. Une lecture des documents judiciaires dans le contexte des kanunnames, registres mühimme et la recherche publiée sur les registres tahrir, montre l'hybridisme et la diversité à l'intérieur de la communauté tzigane. Après cette démonstration de la diversité au sein de cette catégorie dite «tzigane», le septième chapitre tente d'analyser comment l'état impérial ottoman a su intégrer ce que j'appelle une communauté mobile dans son système administrative. Par une considération de leurs politiques, surtout ceux de l'imposition, de l'installation et de l'incorporation de plusieurs tziganes balkaniques aux rangs des forces auxiliaires militaires – müsellems -- tout en leur refusant d'entrée dans le corps Janissaire. Je maintiens que la politique d'état ottomane vis-à-vis les tziganes dans les Balkans et l'Anatolie durant le seizième siècle n'était ni uniforme ni astucieux. Les autorités n'avait qu'une vue singulière et monolithique des tziganes. Un des principales conclusions du mémoire est que le statut légal, social, et économique des tziganes dans l'Empire ottoman à cette époque était d'une complexité qui dépasse nos caractérisations de marginalité ou tolérance. L'interaction des tziganes avec l'état, ainsi qu'avec la société ottomane, était simultanément hostile et symbiotique.

<p> The Medina of Tripoli, Libya, is a very ancient walled city that has a history of change, development, deterioration, conservation, and preservation to its fabric. Influenced by various foreign groups (Phoenicians, Greeks, Romans, Muslims, Spanish, Ottomans, Karamanlis), its architectural styles include ancient and traditional structures, as well as modern Western style or acculturation architecture. The purpose of the Medina as a place of habitation has changed over the years because of many factors including residents moving out of the Medina, fluctuating preservation, the changes in government policy when each new ruling entity had its particular laws and regulations, and some distortion of the economy due to the oil revenues. The place has no long-term plan or vision applied to it&mdash;either from within or from without. This study, the first of its kind in North Africa to collect information by using surveys and mental maps, convert the information into geographic information system (GIS) data, and come to definite conclusions about the Medina's situation. The entire research focused on four areas (the Islamic buildings, common routes of transportation, areas of deterioration, and population densities within Tripoli's Medina), but this document focused on the deterioration in the city while analyzing its urban informality, the residents' rights to live in the city, and property categories. This study helped to clarify the current situation and provide input to planners in post-uprising Libya. </p><p> Key words: Medina, geographic information system (GIS), urban informality, conservation, urban planning.</p>

Nearly two decades after the restoration of Ottoman rule in Greater Syria and the proclamation of the Tanzimat reform project, Mount Lebanon became the site of large sustained popular mobilizations. In the district of Kisrawan, villagers banded together under a central committee and expelled the ruling landowning families while claiming a space in the political structure of the Qa'immaqamiyya in direct reference to the Tanzimat reforms. This study positions itself against two dominant tendencies in the scholarship of the revolt which present the event either as a reaction to the destructive effects of European commercial action on Mount Lebanon's society, or as a result of new forms of political consciousness generated at the site of various imperial encounters which inadvertently opened the door to "popular" participation in the formerly closed domain of politics. This study seeks to locate the historical conditions which made this phenomenon possible at the interstices between longue-durée shifts in the region's social structure, and rapidly emerging dynamics in the period 1830-1860 which shaped the vast expansion of commercial relations and the political re-ordering of Mount Lebanon. I argue that the form, timing, and content of the political movement known as the "Kisrawan uprising" of 1858-1860, was intricately shaped within the context of expanding commercial relations and shifting boundaries of the "state" and "reform" as they were experienced by local actors. In doing so, this study attempts to re-think the forces shaping political movements in Mount Lebanon which have been characterized as a new form of popular engagement with "Tanzimat politics". / Près de deux décennies suivant la restauration de la souveraineté Ottomane en Syrie, et la proclamation du projet de réforme Tanzimat, le Mont Liban est devenu le lieu des plus grandes mobilisations politiques populaires de l'histoire moderne de la région. Dans le district du Kisrawan au Mont Liban, les villageois se sont regroupés en un comité central et ont expulsé les cheikhs de la famille Khazin, les célèbres fermiers d'impôts du district, en revendiquant une place dans la structure politique du Qa'immaqamiyya, et ce en faisant directement référence aux discours des réformes Tanzimat. Cette étude se positionne contre deux tendances dominantes dans l'historiographie de la révolte : celle-ci présente l'évènement soit comme une réaction aux effets destructeurs de l'action commerciale européene sur la société du Mont Liban; soit une manifestation de nouvelles formes de conscience politique générées suite à diverses rencontres impériales qui, par inadvertance, ont ouvert la porte à la participation « populaire » dans un domaine autrefois fermée de la politique. Cette étude cherche à analyser les conditions historiques qui ont rendu ce phénomène possible dans les interstices des changements de longue-durée dans la structure sociale du Mont Liban, et des dynamiques émergentes dans la période 1830-1860, qui ont façonné le phénomène d'une vaste expansion de relations commerciales et de la politique de « restauration » au Mont-Liban. Je soutiens que la forme, et le caractère des demandes du mouvement politique de 1858-1860, a été façonné dans le contexte de l'expansion des relations commerciales, des frontières des institutions de « l'état », ainsi que l'expérience vécue des réformes par les acteurs locaux. Cette étude tente de repenser les forces historiques qui ont donné lieu à une nouvelle forme d'engagement populaire avec la politique du «Tanzimat.»

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After important intellectual contributions to the Arab Nahda, the Syro-Lebanese of Egypt (the Shawam) underwent a far-reaching process of French acculturation. This process culminated in their cultural alienation from mainstream Egyptian society, and became a major reason for their departure from Nasserite Egypt in the sixties. Unlike previous narratives dealing with the history of the Shawam in Egypt, which underscored static identitarian choices as the driving force behind their cultural alienation, my thesis situates their adoption of French language and culture in the wider context of the Egyptian francophonie. This relatively unknown francophonie thrived in pre-revolutionary Egypt and was fully embraced by Egypt's urban cosmopolitan society. Despite the British occupation, French was the language of culture, finance, the press, justice and administration until the regime change. Using a more context-based approach, this thesis explores details of daily practices and experiences to discern the conditions in which the Shawam made their choices. I turn to their educational policies and appropriation of Egypt's prestigious French schools to assess the role played by these schools in their deep French acculturation. I also examine the vibrant francophone literary circles and salons, which flourished in Cairo during the interwar period, where they were particularly visible. Shawam intellectuals had not disappeared from Egyptian intellectual life, but had limited their activity to the much smaller, and much more powerful, francophone one. I contend that their cultural alienation was not the result of an innate separateness between Egyptians and them, but was contingent on historical factors, pertaining both to the community and its land of adoption. / Après leur collaboration précieuse au projet de la Nahda arabe, les Syro-Libanais d'Egypte (les chawâms) se sont tournés de plus en plus vers la langue et la culture françaises. Cette adoption démesurée de la langue française au détriment de la langue arabe a engendré leur éloignement culturel de la grande majorité de la société égyptienne. Elle devient même une raison principale de leur exode de l'Egypte dans les années 1960. Si la plupart des récits historiques ayant abordé le sujet des chawâms d'Egypte trouvent dans l'identité de ceux-ci (différents de par leur origine et leur religion) l'explication ultime de ce phénomène, je constate que cette hypothèse demande d'être nuancée. Je propose de mettre leur aliénation dans le plus grand cadre de la francophonie égyptienne, mal connue même aujourd'hui. Pendant un siècle et demi et malgré l'occupation britannique, le français demeurait la langue de la culture, les finances, la presse, la justice et l'administration, jusque' au changement de régime et la crise de Suez. Pour ce faire, j'étudie en grand détail les expériences et les pratiques de tous les jours pour mieux discerner les circonstances dans lesquelles les chawâms ont fait leurs choix culturels. J'examine leurs politiques de scolarisation et leur appropriation des écoles françaises prestigieuses ayant joué un rôle principal dans cette acculturation. De surcroit, ce mémoire analyse de très près les cercles et les salons littéraires francophones du Caire durant l'entre-deux-guerres, où les chawâms étaient actifs et pleinement visibles. Loin d'avoir disparu de la vie intellectuelle égyptienne, ils avaient approprié la scène francophone, plus restreinte mais très puissante. Je soutiens que plusieurs agents historiques, liés à la fois à l'Egypte et aux chawâms, ont contribué à cette aliénation culturelle.

The religious history of the Turkish people of Anatolia in the first few centuries after their entry into the peninsula remains obscure. This obscurity can be partially dispersed only through detailed analyses of the few religious works of early Muslim-Turkish literature. One such work, namely the legendary biography of the pir of the Bektasi order known as the Manakib-i Haci Bektasi Veli, or simply the Vilayet-name, is here subjected to a critical analysis with the purpose of identifying the survivals of pre- Islamic Turkish beliefs within it. After an initial effort to place the Vilayet-name into its proper historical context, an overall view of the religious life of Turkish nomads prior to their Islamization is given. This is followed by a comparative analysis of the text in the light of the information already presented, and it is demonstrated that this central work of the heterodox-antinomian Bektasi tradition of Turkish Anatolia is clearly imbedded in the pre-Islamic culture of nomadic Turkish peoples. / L'histoire religieuse des Turcs pendant les premier siecles de leur existence en Anatolie nous est encore assez obscure. Toutefois nous pensons que cette obscurite peut etre dissipee dans une large mesure a travers I' etude detaillee des premiers ecrits de la litterature religieuse turque-musulmane. Dans cet ordre d'idees, la presente etude consiste en une analyse critique de l'une de ces oeuvres, Ie Manakib-i Haci Bektasi Veli, connu aussi sous Ie titre de Vilayet-name, avec Ie but de relever des survivances de croyances preislamiques dans cette biographie legendaire du pir de l'ordre des Bektasi. Apres un premier effort de placer Ie Vilayet- name dans son propre contexte historique, sera trace un apercu general de la vie reIigieuse des nomades turcs avant leur conversion a l'Islam. Finalement, a la lumiere des materiaux ainsi exposes, une analyse comparative de notre document sera elabore afln de demontrer que cette oeuvre capitale de la tradition quasiment antinomique de l'heterodoxie Bektasi d'Anatolie s'incruste dans 1e culture preislamique des nomades turcs. fr