Notre connaissance du cinéma français de l’après-Seconde Guerre mondiale s’est forgée à partir de la catégorie historique de la « qualité », employée sous les formes usuelles de « tradition de la qualité » et de « qualité française ». Pourtant, on peut considérer que celle-ci est un obstacle à la connaissance historique du cinéma de cette période. En effet, cette catégorie n’est pas neutre puisqu’elle est le produit du discours des « jeunes Turcs » qui l’ont employée pour combattre ce cinéma. Plutôt que de l’abandonner, il convient de lui redonner ses significations en questionnant sesorigines et en inscrivant le célèbre discours critique qui la constitue, la « qualité » contre le « cinéma d’auteurs », au sein d’une vaste bataille discursive engagée par les acteurs du champ cinématographique français depuis la Libération autour du soutien de l’État aux films de qualité. Cette thèse propose d’analyser cette bataille de la qualité ou la mise en place progressive, par les discours, entre 1944 et 1953, de ce modèle politique aujourd’hui indissociable du cinéma français. / Our knowledge of French cinema from after the Second World War was built from the historical category of « qualité », the so-called « tradition de la qualité » and « qualité française ». Nevertheless, one can consider the latter as an obstacle to the historical knowledge of cinema from this period. Indeed, this category is not neutral because it results from the speeches of the « jeunes Turcs », who used it to oppose this cinema. Rather than abandoning it, it is best to reveal its meaning by questioning its origins and presenting the famous critical speech which constitute it, the « qualité » versus the « cinéma d’auteurs », within a vast discursive battle engaged since the French Liberation by the actors of the French cinema, about the support of the French State for quality films. This thesis intends to analyse this battle of quality, or the progressive implementation through speeches between 1944 and 1953 of the political model, nowadays, indissociable from Frenchcinema.

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Despite soccer being arguably the world's most popular sport, Australia's national soccer competition has consistently failed to attract the prolonged mainstream support that is given to the comparable rugby league, Australian Rules football and rugby union competitions. This is a puzzling situation considering Australia's British lineage, soccer's British origins and the game's pre-eminent international status. Indeed, soccer's lowly position in Australia is paradoxical given the sport's historically dominant status in Britain and Australia's traditional adoption of Anglocentric culture. Most research into the situation has pointed to the sport's inability to shake-off the adverse effects of a lingering connection to post-World War II immigration and certain ethnic communities. Soccer has, in the eyes of many, been unable to access popular culture primarily because it has been viewed by the mainstream as 'foreign' or inherently un-Australian. The sport has clashed with traditional notions of national identity even though, historically, the Australian men's national team has received relatively strong community support. Strangely though, there has been little attention paid to the role the mass media has played in establishing, maintaining and even altering soccer's position in relation to mainstream Australian culture. While some researchers, such as Mosely and Hay, have criticised the media's coverage of violence associated with soccer at the domestic level, there has been no textual analysis of the mass media's role in soccer's marginal position in Australian popular culture. Considering that the mass media is critical to the development, reinforcement and maintenance of culture and has been implicated in shaping entire professional sporting competitions to its own ends, this is an area of considerable scholarly neglect. By undertaking a textual analysis of the mainstream newspaper coverage given to two critical periods in the history of the Australian men's soccer team it becomes clear that there is marked divergence between the media's treatment of internationally-based soccer and domestically-based soccer. This divergence in coverage has contributed to the development of two distinct mediated 'realities' of soccer, which in turn has influenced the game's ambivalent place in mainstream Australian culture. First, the media's control over the news production process has given it the ability to send textual messages that elevate soccer from its traditional cultural exclusion- and establish the national team as part of the historically dominant Anglocentric mainstream culture in Australia. This process has been inextricably linked to the increasing ethnic diversity of Australia's population and the dominant culture's efforts to maintain, despite this emerging plurality, the preeminence of a traditional Australian 'way of life'. Second, the media's messages have helped to maintain the ascendancy of the dominant culture by establishing the characteristics of modern day corporatised sport as the 'normal' expectation for soccer's development in Australia. As a result, soccer's future in Australia is deemed to be limited until it is able to conform fully to the commercialised and professionalised mode of production that defines the sport overseas.

During the period of 1992-1998, Russia underwent a transition from a centralized economy to a market economy with devastating socioeconomic consequences, and industrial decline, which has resulted in demographic crises. The central argument driving this thesis is that during its transition to a market economy, through shock therapy from 1992-1998, Russia’s social and economic infrastructure went through a regression in the form of refeudalization, which is empirically revealed through health and demographic indicators. Remarkably, the effects of this socioeconomic regression was buffered from further devastation through a set of social compromises between workers, unions and industrial managers, which stabilized the brunt of shock therapy, but still resulted in the refeudalization of Russian society. The objective of this study is to construct a comprehensive model to conceptualize Russia’s socioeconomic regression during the period of transition from 1992-1998, and to explain the causes for the regression within the model. / This thesis conceptualizes socioeconomic regression as a feature of political economy within a mode of production model, and applies the model to explain Russia's socioeconomic transition during the period from 1992 to 1998.

Sustainable development is an evolutionary process in which all ethnic groups live in harmony with a healthy environment. For approximately forty years, Laos has been subjected to many disruptions. Minority groups, like the Hmong, have felt the full impact of the numerous socio-political and economic changes that took place in the country. The Hmong, in particular, who live in mountainous regions and practice slash and burn agriculture, have suffered from economic and social inequality policies practiced by previous governments. The progressive transformation of their methods of land use, their mode of production and their migrant lifestyle must clearly be understood before any attempt at a sedentary lifestyle with a view to a sustainable development be undertaken. The underprivileged Hmong aspire to better living conditions comparable to those of people living in the plains.

Résumé : Le développement durable est un processus d'évolution dans lequel toutes les ethnies coexistent en harmonie avec un environnement sain. Depuis une quarantaine d'années, le Laos a connu de nombreux bouleversements. Des groupes minoritaires, dont les Hmongs, ont subi les contrecoups des changements socio-politiques et économiques. Les Hmongs, qui habitent les régions montagneuses et qui pratiquent l'agriculture itinérante, sont particulièrement touchés par des inégalités économiques et sociales malgré la politique d'égalité ethnique. Les transformations progressives de leur méthode d'utilisation du sol, de leur mode de production et de leur mode de vie itinérants en sédentarisation durable deviennent fondamentales et cruciales. Les Hmongs défavorisés aspirent fortement à de meilleures conditions de vie tout comme les populations qui vivent dans les plaines. En effet, les Hmongs, qui habitent dans les régions de Lakhasipsong et de Longsan, province de Vientiane, s'adaptent aux nouvelles conditions de transformation socio-économique, soient la sédentarisation du mode de production et du mode de vie. On peut affirmer que le développement rural et communautaire permet la sédentarisation des Hmongs et que ces derniers sont aptes à s'adapter à la vie moderne. La méthode d'enquête par entrevue sur la base d'un sondage employée sur le terrain nous a permis de découvrir les caractéristiques de développement durable autant socio-économique que politique dans la province de Vientiane avec application particulière aux Hmongs. Les résultats de l'enquête démontrent que les stratégies de sédentarisation sans relocalisation et avec relocalisation sur l'initiative soit personnelle soit gouvernementale ont fait leurs preuves. Des changements dans les modes de production et de vie ont non seulement permis une meilleure utilisation du sol, une augmentation de la production et une amélioration des conditions de vie mais aussi une meilleure préservation de l'écosystème.||Abstract : Sustainable development is an evolutionary process in which all ethnie groups live in harmony with a healthy environment. For approximately forty years, Laos has been subjected to many disruptions. Minority groups, like the Hmong, have felt the full impact of the numerous socio-political and economic changes that took place in the country. The Hmong, in particular, who live in mountainous regions and practice slash and burn agriculture, have suffered from economic and social inequality policies praticed by previous governments. The progressive transformation of their methods of land use, their mode of production and their migrant life style must clearly be understood before any attempt at a sedentary life style with a view to a sustainable development be undertaken. The underprivileged Hmong aspire to better living conditions comparable to those of people living in the plains. More precisely, the Hmong, who live in Lakhasipsong and Longsan in the province of Vientiane, adapt to their new conditions of social and economic transformation by fixing into place their mode of production and their lifestyle. We can state that the rural community development taking place allows an effective sédentarisation for the Hmong and, that they are able to adapt themselves to modem life. The survey method by interview and randown sampling on the ground permits us to discover elements of farming development within the socio-economic as well as political life in Vientiane province with a particular application to the Hmong. The survey results in showing that settling down strategies without relocation or with relocation on personal or governmental initiative are truly operational. Changes in the mode of production and life style have not only permitted a better land use, an increased production and a better life style but also, a better conservation of the environment.

Mémoire (M.E.S.R.)-- Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1994. / Résumé disponible sur Internet. CaQCU Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Columbia University, 1972. / Bibliogr. p.308-325. Notes bibliogr.

The thesis explores contradictions that farmers see between current mode of production, and how they imagine that modes of production would need to change if there were no fossil fuels. Based on qualitative interviews with farmers, the aim of the study is to contribute to a discussion on strategies to increase the farms’ capabilities to produce food without fossil fuels. This topic is relevant from both environmental and contingency perspectives. I understand society of today as mainly driven by capitalist logic, meaning that the logics of capital are what most people perceive as the normal and rational way to organize society. The analysis is based on a theoretical framework that sees the dominant energy source as specific and conditional for the historical organization of different societies, focusing on the role of fossil fuels as specific to the current capitalist society. The analytical tools are derived from the concept mode of production, which puts focus on how the farm production is organized in regard to labor, skills, inputs and machines. By using a specific focus on how farmers describe contradictions between the current mode of production of farms and in the case of a sudden lack of fossil fuels, I elucidate features of current food production that are made logical and rational by using fossil fuels, but which seem less logical when there are no fossil fuels. I argue that the threat to food security is not due to the fossil fuel dependency per se, but due to how fossil fuels have and are enabling 1) social relations where the purpose of food is to be a commodity rather than to be nutrition for people, 2) spatial concentrations of refineries, distribution and consumers, 3) social relations with dispossession of means of productions for consumers and concentration of ownership of land for producers, 4) technical relations which drive deskilling of knowledge on how to produce food. For policymaking, this means that exchanging fossil fuels with other energy sources would not necessarily increase food security, as long as the above mentioned mechanisms are reproduced. To increase food security, agricultural policies need to aim at making food more than a commodity and decrease the distance between production and consumption, both in spatial terms but also in terms of knowledge and skills. These strategies are not necessarily compatible with the logics of the capitalist mode of production.