Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Queensland, 2006. / Includes bibliography.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 516-576).

Orientador: Tânia Regina de Luca / Banca: Sílvia Maria Azevedo / Banca: Marly Silva da Motta / Banca: Raimundo Pereira Alencar Arrais / Banca: Zelia Lopes da Silva / Resumo: Gil Blas surgiu na cidade do Rio de Janeiro, em 13 de fevereiro de 1919 e circulou até 6 de maio de 1923. A publicação foi porta voz do governo Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1923) e esteio de concepções nacionalistas da década de 1920, fato que a torna fonte relevante para se entender o panorama político e cultural do Brasil daquele momento. Deve-se destacar que, em mais de quatro anos de existência, o periódico teve várias fases, nas quais abraçou propostas nacionalistas diversas, imprimiu caráter dinâmico aos seus objetivos, seções, artigos e mesmo materialidade. O propósito da pesquisa foi o de demarcar tais mudanças, distinguir os projetos defendidos nas suas páginas, além de explicar que tais alterações estavam em consonância com o envolvimento político e doutrinário da revista. / Abstract: Gil Blas appeared in the city of Rio de Janeiro, in 13 of February of 1919, having circulated up to 6 of May of 1923. Such publication if constituted in door voice of the Epitácio Pessoa Government (1919-1923) and support of nationalistic conceptions of the decade of 1920, fact that became it an excellent source to understand the panorama cultural politician and of Brazil of this moment. It must be detached that, in more than four years of publication, the periodic one had some phases that if had articulated with diverse nationalistic proposals, what it gave a dynamic character to its objectives, sections, articles and materiality. The intention of this research was to demarcate such changes, as well as the nature of the proposals that had appeared in the interior of the periodic one, showing that such alterations were in accord with the initiatives doctrinal politics of the magazine. / Doutor

abstract: On May 12, 2009, hundreds of Immigration Customs and Enforcement (ICE) raided Agriprocessors, a meat packing plant in the sleepy town of Postville, Iowa, and arrested 389 workers. These workers, primarily Spanish speaking immigrants from Guatemala and Mexico, were charged with felony aggravated identity theft. This criminalization of immigration is a critical point in immigration policy in the United States, representing a ritual performance of the exclusion of immigrants from American society. In stark juxtaposition to the raid itself, the community of Postville was working to welcome the very immigrants that were targeted by ICE. In attempts at inclusion, Postville had created an adult soccer league that provided a sense of community and identity for immigrants. Using the classic anthropological method of ethnography, this research draws on extensive time immersed in the community of Postville to conduct a qualitative case study of the day-to-day meanings of immigration in the United States. This dissertation examines the adult soccer league and the ICE raid as examples of cultural performances of inclusion and exclusion by using anthropological concepts of nation, sport, and performance. Performance is used to mark national identity in both instances--a shifting, hybrid `transnational' identity in the case of the immigrants playing in the soccer league--and a clearly delineated `American' identity in the case of the ICE raid. Moreover, national identity is tied to other aspects of identity, such as gender. As the performances create national `imagined communities,' they also gender their participants and nations themselves. Ultimately this reveals the way that immigration itself is gendered, and the way in which American immigration policy is designed to promote an American national identity. These efforts are not only to the detriment of immigrants in the United States as laborers but also to the communities with jobs that draw these workers. The case study of Postville provides a lens to examine the meanings of immigration policy from the ground up and in the lives of those it impacts most--immigrants and the communities in which they reside. / Dissertation/Thesis / Ph.D. Anthropology 2010

The period of the French Revolution known as the Terror was a cataclysmic event for Ancien Regime Europe. Nearly every aspect of life was affected by the events which unfolded in France, forcing Europeans to confront the question of national identity through the context of the French Revolution. Nowhere was this phenomenon keener than in Great Britain, a traditional rival of France. Although in its infancy, a British national identity--as distinct from a English, Irish, Welsh, or Scot national identity--was already in existence. This new British identity was being shaped by forces such as a growing population, a reform movement within the Anglican Church, the drive for Empire, the increasing influence of the Industrial Revolution and the ensuing adjustment of the agricultural sector, and a steadily increasing middle class that demanded grater political participation. The French Revolution recast all of these issues and forced a reassessment of what it meant to be British, and, as such, was the chief stimulus for the development of British national identity as it changed from one based on political rights in the tradition of the Magna Carta to that of a bastion of order in the face of political radicalism. This study uses eighteenth century newspapers from across Britain to examine key events of the period of the Terror--the trial and execution of Louis XVI, the trial and execution of Marie-Antoinette, the murder of Marat, the execution of Madame Roland, and the fall of Maximilien Robespierre--in light of an evolving British national identity. The newspaper accounts of these reveal a composite British national identity consisting of the components of the reverence for the institutions of monarchy and the aristocracy, constitution/legal system, civilized society, commercial power, notions of chivalry, Christianity (Protestantism), the English language (represented by Shakespeare), and the notion of the French "other." This nationalism is also decisively male, propertied, and literate. This identity provided a foundation for future British activities such as the drive for imperial and industrial dominance in the nineteenth century.

The purpose of this study was to find out how Korean newspapers covered women's professional golf tournaments held in Korea and the United States. Additionally, an attempt was made to ascertain any trends in the newspapers' coverage of players and activities associated with both tours. This study focused on one daily sport newspaper (Ilgan Sports) and one general newspaper (Chosun Ilbo) from 2004 through 2008. The two newspapers produced 1,699 stories related to the LPGA (n=1,234 articles) and the KLPGA (n= 465 articles). Thus, the newspapers covered the LPGA (72.6%) much more frequently than then KLPGA (27.4%). The newspapers covered the LPGA more in all three categories, with the LPGA receiving 79.4% of the large articles, 74.1% of the medium stories, and 68.7% of the small articles. In addition, the newspapers provided the LPGA more feature story coverage (83.9%) and more photographic coverage (75.7%). It is notable that this study's principal innovation is the finding of changes in the overall approach of the Korean media over the five-year analysis. Specifically, the coverage devoted to the KLPGA tour increased from 21.9 % (2004) to 36.13 % (2008) of the total coverage given to women's golf by the selected newspapers.

Thesis (M.B.A.)--Boston University

This thesis proposes a legal and organizational approach to better understand processes of modernisation and the emergence of nationalist conflict. Theories of nationalism tend to be significantly influenced by state-centred and rather abstract positivist interpretations of law. Legal perspectives that have proposed understating law in relation to findings developed through the empirical study of law, such as legal realism or legal pluralism, have questioned positivist conceptions of law, emphasising the historical processes that created such conceptions of law, and the relationship between legal praxis and conceptions of society. Presumptions about personhood and society such as those influencing nationalist conflict may not be unrelated to legal existence and legal practice. Social actors’ interpretations of law, and the capacity of social authorities to mobilize human and material resources in defence of certain conceptions of law, may have been able to influence legal and political histories of European states, as well as the national or regional identities that would develop in relation to legal recognition and legitimate exercise of types and degrees of social powers. The historical study of Spanish and Basque nationalisms, although generally involving constant references to law – especially to constitutional law and to the fueros – tends to overlook the influence that social actors’ perceptions of legal order may have had in shaping the emergence of nationalist conflicts. Often, the focus is directed towards factors related to ethno-linguistic features or political ideologies. This thesis studies a historical puzzle, one that appears to have been influenced by legally defined entities, that have influenced the legal and political history of the state, and that may have influenced the development of a Basque-Spanish nationalist conflict: the different jurisdictional and ideological paths followed by key social majorities in Navarre and Euskadi between 1876 and 1936 after at least a century of displaying a rather similar position in regards to the state.

The Kurdish Question, which dates back to the Ottoman Era, has been a constituent element of narratives of Turkish nationalism for the past 30 years. The Kurdish Question stands as the most prominent “other” of Turkish nationalism. The members of two groups, Kurds and Turks, became highly politicised throughout 30 years of internal conflict and through their daily encounters, giving way to a constant redefinition of the understanding of nationalism and ethnicity. The encounters and experiences of these two groups have facilitated the development of various narrative forms of personal nationalism in daily life. Accordingly, the daily manifestations of the Kurdish Question and Turkish nationalism have grown as an object of academic interest. The question of how ordinary people produce – and are produced in – personal narratives of nationalism is a subject that still needs to be addressed, and this thesis aims to fill this gap by examining the notion of “personal narratives”. Analysing nationalism through personal narratives enables us to see how hegemonic nationalist ideology is reproduced and practiced by individuals through various dynamics. The thesis finds that the determining theme in the personal narratives of Turks and Kurds follows fundamentally the official ideology of the state about the Kurds, which is based principally on „a strategy of denial‟. The macro political transformations of the 2000s and the increased potential of encountering the “other” in daily life underline the challenging nature of this ideological strategy of denial. Herein, while the Turkish participants define themselves as the benevolent party in their nationalist narratives, they mark Kurdish people as terrorists, separatists and primitives. In contrast, the narratives of the Kurdish participants are characterised by the adoption of a “self-defence” strategy against the dominant negative perceptions of Turkish society about their culture: they assert that they are in fact not ignorant; not terrorists; not disloyal citizens, and so on. The narratives of the Turkish participants about the ethnic “other”, the Kurds, generally follow a strategy of contempt and accusation; yet personal experiences give them the opportunity to politicise the problem on different grounds by empathising or humanising. On the Kurdish side, the subjects of the personal narratives are more often the state and the army than Turkish individuals, and again they construct a narrative that endeavours to reverse the dominant negative perceptions about Kurds. They attempt to negate the denial strategy through both collective and personal stories of the discrimination they have experienced over the years and generations. Vital questions such as through which mechanisms of resistance do ordinary people construct and practice their ethnic identities, again become visible through their personal narratives.