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This dissertation explores the connections between image-making practices, discourses of nationalism, Quebecois cinema and the possibility of the cinema functioning as an alternative public sphere. The thesis draws upon sociological theories of nationalism, political theory, film theory, critical theory and cultural critique in order to reconsider the potential political power of the cinematic image. After surveying contrasting theories of nationalism, the thesis addresses itself to Jurgen Habermas' concept of the public sphere and the revisions of this concept undertaken by contemporary social and political theorists. The use-value of the concept of the public sphere in relation to film theory is then explored. Beginning with pioneering work of Leo-Ernest Ouimet in the silent era and continuing on through to the video activism of Societe nouvelle and the "post-referendum" cinema of Denys Arcand and Robert Lepage, this thesis traces recurring instances of the cinema functioning as a contestatory and alternative public sphere in Quebecois culture.

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This thesis seeks to relate the forms of liberal nationalism, which emerged in Scotland and Quebec between 1899 and 1914, to the character of the institutions which governed. The substantive focus is on two liberal nationalist groupings: the Young Scots' Society and the more loosely grouped Ligue nationaliste canadienne. Their emergence is examined at three levels: imperial, federal and local civil society. / The British Empire exerted an overarching influence on both Scotland and Quebec. Yet each enjoyed a very different relationship to the empire. Liberal nationalists responded differently to the same policies---the South African War, Tariff Reform and the Naval Question. The Young Scots invoked Liberal principles: freedom of speech, free trade and disarmament. The Nationalistes' response was nationalist: these were encroachments on Canadian sovereignty. Yet both groupings shared a liberal conception of empire, characterised by autonomy and decentralisation. / Scotland and Quebec enjoyed a 'federal' relationship to their states (Britain/Canada). Deficiencies in these systems prompted different responses. The Young Scots campaigned in support of a Scottish Home Rule Parliament. The Nationalistes favoured a Canadian federation which was avowedly consociational, one which recognised Canadian duality. These were liberal measures of accommodating difference. / Finally, Scotland and Quebec possessed distinctive civil societies. Yet they differed in the degree to which they were governed by liberal norms. In Scotland a liberal ethos was sustained by both the dominant Liberalism and Presbyterianism. However in Quebec the dominant Catholic church sought to preserve its hegemony over francophone society against Liberal challenges. Liberal nationalists not only reflected the distinct national character of their civil societies but also the degree to which those societies were governed by liberal norms. / It was these configurations of institutions and norms which ensured that the nationalisms which emerged in Scotland and Quebec were liberal in character. Yet there were important differences: greater emphasis was placed on Liberalism in Scotland ("Liberal nationalists") while the emphasis was on Nationalism in Quebec ("liberal Nationalists"). The character of empire, federalism and civil society in Scotland and Quebec shaped the nationalisms that emerged between the Boer War and the First World War.

This study examines the role of religion in the nationalist thought of Lionel Groulx (1878-1967). It attempts to demonstrate that Groulx's understanding of the Incarnation constitutes a paradigm whereby he developed a rationale for the synthesis of Catholicism and French-Canadian nationalism. Chapter 1, the Historical Background, precedes an examination of Groulx's thought in the light of his theological and philosophical education.(Chapter 2) Chapters 3 and 4 explain his construct of the Incarnation. Chapter 5 sets forth Groulx's conception of French Canada based on the Hebrew scriptures. Chapters 6 explores the implications of his incarnational thought for his nationalist pursuits. Chapter 7 summarizes the pivotal idea of "The Primacy of the Spiritual in the Nation," while Chapter 8 sheds light on Groulx's critical, if not negative understanding of Catholic Action. The conclusion reflects on the turn of events in French Canada which evolved so contrary to his aspirations. Despite his myriad activities, prodigious body of work, and such a long, varied career, Groulx remains an enigma primarily due to his transitional role between old religio-nationalist French Canada and secular, contemporary nationalist Quebec. The apologetic intent of his work compounds this enigma since Groulx thereby attempted to apply the conservative social doctrines and praxis of conventional Catholicism to the rapidly changing context of modern, increasingly nationalist Quebec. His thought, therefore, possesses many facets and eludes facile definition. Due to their segregated analyses of Groulx's thought, previous historical, political and ideological studies remain insufficient because they represent largely secular, anachronistic, specifically post-'Quiet Revolution' approaches that truncate the role of religion in the world view of a Catholic priest in French Canada at the turn of the twentieth century. These analyses do not sufficiently take into account the theological principles which shaped his nationalist thought. Writing as editor-in-chief of Le Devoir the day after Groulx died, Claude Ryan declared Groulx "the spiritual father of modern Quebec." However, this assessment largely stands or falls on the place of the 'spiritual' vis-a-vis the 'secular' in Groulx's thought, for the reversal of their respective importance in French-Canadian society announced the advent of modernity in Quebec. In fact, the contemporary debate concerning the proper roles and relationship of the secular and the spiritual in twentieth-century Quebec gave rise to Groulx's apologetic. This study seeks therefore to examine the spiritual and the temporal in Groulx's thought, and how he related the two so that we may come to a better understanding of Groulx's contribution to modern Quebec.

The "end of the century" nourishes a questioning movement on national identity and on the concept of modernity that is encouraged by the Quebec essayists. We propose an organization of the elements of the sovereign narrative which would be able to conduct and constitute a generative grammar of its argumentation. Our project consists in creating a matrix of the nationalistic discourse during the 1995 Quebec referendum period on sovereignty. This schematic figure will bring to its most simple expression the narrative of the Quebec nationalistic discourse selecting examples from ten texts of our primary bibliography. Our matrix will incorporate ideas, dogmas, theories, facts and myths stemming from the ideological discourses. We will see how these elements do interact, to be able afterwards to gather them in a framework on which national identity and legitimity of the national accession to sovereignty should be based. The study of this narrative of the past, as well as the analysis of the public characters will be leaded by the sociocritical approach of discourse analysis. / The francophone cultural nation living on the territory of the Province of Quebec demonstrates itself through the values of tenacity, solidarity, labour and openness of mind towards "Others". The nation increases the standing of a society project based on a democratic basis, condemning the traitors of the Quebec nation. This history concerns the francophone majority even though it is linked to the other "oppressed peoples" of the World History. This "french-quebecer" history is enhanced with a collective memory, projected towards the future in making the project of sovereignty the purpose of its teleological progression.

Population genetics studies, coupling genealogical and genetic information, are being launched in many places around the world. Examples include commercial projects, scientific inquiries into the determinants of disease, efforts to better understand healthcare needs, and attempts to trace the histories of groups. Two such studies have been launched in Iceland and Quebec. One of the motives for the creation of and participation in these projects is a personal interest in learning about one's genetic lineage and a collective pride in a putative national genetic identity. In this thesis I will be examining how new genetic information has been drawn into claims of national identity and how genetic technologies have been used to create imagined genetically homogenous communities.

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Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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