INTRODUCTION: Canada’s Aboriginal population is growing at a faster rate than the rest of Canada. While Aboriginal health has improved in the last few decades, life expectancy of First Nations, Inuit and Métis continues to be lower compared to the rest of the Canadian population. Furthermore, current Aboriginal health research tends to focus on those living onreserves while more than half of the Aboriginal population currently resides in urban areas. Despite the importance of neighbourhood factors for understanding health in urban areas, the importance of neighbourhood characteristic for urban Aboriginal health has yet to be examined. OBJECTIVE: The objective of the research was, to determine both individual-level predictors and neighbourhood-level predictors of self-rated health and diagnosis of chronic conditions, amongst Aboriginal populations living in the City of Toronto; and to determine whether and how neighbourhood-level predictors influence individual-level predictors of self-rated health and diagnosis of a chronic conditions in Toronto neighbourhoods with Aboriginal populations living in them. METHODS: This study was a secondary analysis of two samples from the 2006 Aboriginal people Survey, consisting of 1080 and 500 Aboriginal individuals in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area. A series of logistic regressions models were created to identify individual and neighbourhood predictors of “poor” self-rated health and having one or more diagnosed chronic condition(s). RESULTS: A best fitting model was derived from the individual-level variables to include the demographic variables age, gender and Aboriginal status; and the socio-economic variables average household income, education level and employment status. While neighbourhood-level variables had no significant influence in predicting either health outcome, there was some evidence to suggest influence over individual-level predictors. To further examine this relation, neighbourhoods were stratified based on income inequality, average household income and availability of Aboriginal specific services. This analysis yielded some different effects of individual-level variables for different neighbourhood types, suggesting that some effects of neighbourhood characteristics may interact with individual characteristics to influence health. CONCLUSION: While contextual factors have some effect on self-rated health, individual factors serve as stronger predictors of individual health. However, more neighbourhood level studies should be considered in order to better understand the growing urban Aboriginal population and potential ecological effects on health.

INTRODUCTION: Canada’s Aboriginal population is growing at a faster rate than the rest of Canada. While Aboriginal health has improved in the last few decades, life expectancy of First Nations, Inuit and Métis continues to be lower compared to the rest of the Canadian population. Furthermore, current Aboriginal health research tends to focus on those living onreserves while more than half of the Aboriginal population currently resides in urban areas. Despite the importance of neighbourhood factors for understanding health in urban areas, the importance of neighbourhood characteristic for urban Aboriginal health has yet to be examined. OBJECTIVE: The objective of the research was, to determine both individual-level predictors and neighbourhood-level predictors of self-rated health and diagnosis of chronic conditions, amongst Aboriginal populations living in the City of Toronto; and to determine whether and how neighbourhood-level predictors influence individual-level predictors of self-rated health and diagnosis of a chronic conditions in Toronto neighbourhoods with Aboriginal populations living in them. METHODS: This study was a secondary analysis of two samples from the 2006 Aboriginal people Survey, consisting of 1080 and 500 Aboriginal individuals in the Toronto Census Metropolitan Area. A series of logistic regressions models were created to identify individual and neighbourhood predictors of “poor” self-rated health and having one or more diagnosed chronic condition(s). RESULTS: A best fitting model was derived from the individual-level variables to include the demographic variables age, gender and Aboriginal status; and the socio-economic variables average household income, education level and employment status. While neighbourhood-level variables had no significant influence in predicting either health outcome, there was some evidence to suggest influence over individual-level predictors. To further examine this relation, neighbourhoods were stratified based on income inequality, average household income and availability of Aboriginal specific services. This analysis yielded some different effects of individual-level variables for different neighbourhood types, suggesting that some effects of neighbourhood characteristics may interact with individual characteristics to influence health. CONCLUSION: While contextual factors have some effect on self-rated health, individual factors serve as stronger predictors of individual health. However, more neighbourhood level studies should be considered in order to better understand the growing urban Aboriginal population and potential ecological effects on health.

This thesis investigates the relationship between access to public gathering spaces and self-reported health with indicators of community life as the intervening variables. This study was undertaken to investigate the relationship between the access to public space and self-rated health status in multicultural communities. A survey of 785 randomly-selected households was conducted across four low-income Toronto neighbourhoods. The investigation is framed by the 'production of healthy public space' model, which conceptualizes the pathways between the lived experience of space and health as impacting an individual’s likelihood of establishing place attachment. The results support the hypothesis that there is a relationship between the lived dimension of space and health. Mental health appears to be the outcome most affected by indicators of place attachment. Several of the aforementioned relationships were found more commonly in the densest of the four neighbourhoods and variations were found between foreign- and Canadian-born subpopulations.

This paper considers the quantitative and qualitative observation-based assessment of neighbourhoodhealth in three Toronto neighbourhoods. In so doing, the paper addresses prevailing challenges andopportunities in a range of forms of neighbourhood health. The Bay Street Corridor, Kensington-Chinatown,and Regent Park were studied as exemplar cases of neighbourhoods in varying degrees of degradation. Theresearch involved a robust evaluation of raw statistical analysis, census data, anecdotal evidence, and annualreports to demonstrate the spatiality of crime, real estate, and socio-economic opportunity. Results from thisanalysis have demonstrated that certain neighbourhood characteristics are prone to higher or lower crime rates,structural neglect, real estate speculation, and proprietary action. ‘Fear proves itself’ in as far as neighbourhoodaction provides impetus to create defensible spaces to increase neighbourhood engagement and ownership and toprotect against neglect and crime. What is clear from these descriptions is that neighbourhood health issignificantly associated with endogenous behaviour; positing the important role that community advocacy playsin stewarding neighbourhood health. Understanding neighbourhood health requires an appreciation of localsocial assets, and how these indigenous resources articulate opportunities for sustainable urban development.The longevity of cities involves building neighbourhoods for people and providing a stable structure thatpromotes and perpetuates sustainable city living. By exploring themes in urban sociology, psychology of place,and place belonging, the investigation highlights

This thesis investigates the relationship between access to public gathering spaces and self-reported health with indicators of community life as the intervening variables. This study was undertaken to investigate the relationship between the access to public space and self-rated health status in multicultural communities. A survey of 785 randomly-selected households was conducted across four low-income Toronto neighbourhoods. The investigation is framed by the 'production of healthy public space' model, which conceptualizes the pathways between the lived experience of space and health as impacting an individual’s likelihood of establishing place attachment. The results support the hypothesis that there is a relationship between the lived dimension of space and health. Mental health appears to be the outcome most affected by indicators of place attachment. Several of the aforementioned relationships were found more commonly in the densest of the four neighbourhoods and variations were found between foreign- and Canadian-born subpopulations.

This thesis is an attempt to better understand the inter-relationship between deprivation, locality and health. This study explores the views of different residents in St Ann s, a deprived neighbourhood in Nottingham, to find out how they make sense of their health. The thesis is based on some participant observation in the area but mainly draws on qualitative interviews with diverse residents in St Ann's: (including, in particular, working-class older adults of different ethnicities; some working-class parents with children; middle-class younger adults living in the area; and activists and professionals providing services to the area, such as volunteers running the food bank, the local priest and GPs. As I asked all of my participants questions about their lives and their health, as well as their perceptions of what health was like in St Ann s generally, I realised they did not mention what talk about things that I, or public health professionals, would expect them to i.e. whether they took regular exercise or ate fruits and vegetables. Rather than individual lifestyle choices , people mostly talked about places, doing rounds and routines. They also talked about other groups, which allegedly were less healthy than them. Further, different groups of people in the area spoke about health quite differently. It is these broader discussions and concerns, and differences between groups of people, that I make sense of throughout my thesis. I argue that existing quantitative research on health, deprivation and the physical environment typically focuses on how health varies across different neighbourhoods. Some of these studies examine how factors, such as the proximity of supermarkets or leisure facilitates, produce health inequalities. However, while I found residents in St Ann s mentioned the proximity of shops, I also found that health and place had broader meanings to people in terms of gathering together and structuring routines. Additionally, I found that different people had conflicting ideas about health, place and one another. Addressing health therefore needs to take these conflicts into consideration rather than implementing public health policy that mainly articulates the views and habits of the middle-class. I use concepts from Bourdieu (1979), such as habitus , field and symbolic violence to make sense of these conflicts, arguing that the reasons why people act as they do is beyond their cognitive and rational understanding. In circumstances such as those in St Ann's, where the working-class residents were most at home in their given social space where habitus meshes with field - their apprehension of their social environment is more practical than it is theoretical and more tacit than it is explicit. In other words, I argue that residents in St Ann s are curtailed by their habitus. Additionally, I argue that there is insufficient previous work which has acknowledged and validated the experiences of residents in deprived neighbourhoods. Residents may articulate deprivation and lack of understanding of what constitutes health, but they also draw attention to important issues that, whilst often mentioned in the literature (e.g. social cohesion and health), have not been sufficiently accounted for, such as the importance of sociability, community activities, amenities and services. Finally, it should be acknowledged that these issues are not equally or similarly important for all residents, so that middle-class residents are unlikely to mix with locals at the community centre for example and that also older and younger residents considered different places important. So, instead of accepting the premise inherent in much public health research that seeks to identify the barriers to change with individuals, there first needs to be a more rigorous examination of the practices and lifestyles of the working-class residents within deprived communities such as St Ann s. We should seek to understand that their current practices are important for their well-being and sense of community. However, and, at the same time, we should seek to identify appropriate approaches that can improve their health that does not only fit the middle-class agenda. A key element of this is to take the various elements of their practical, tacit knowledge more seriously as part of these conditions of possibility. Then, it may be possible to more fruitfully identify how and why such practices are created, and what might be the conditions of possibility for change.