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The neoclassical compositions of Igor Stravinsky have long provided scholars with a wealth of analytical possibilities. Many approaches to Stravinsky's neoclassical music have revolved around tonal implications therein. One tonal device, however, that has received little attention from the theory community is the common-practice cadence. This study seeks to present a theory of the manner in which Stravinsky's neoclassical compositional practice adheres to and varies from the well-formed standards of the common-practice era. Additional data is studied that shows trends throughout Stravinsky's neoclassical period. Finally, the research examines the future of neoclassical Stravinsky analysis and specifically addresses how this cadential study can contribute to the larger discussion of tonal implications in Stravinsky's neoclassical music.

Thesis (M. Ec.) -- University of Adelaide, Department of Economics,1979. / Typescript (photocopy).

In this thesis, I shall consider the influence of imperial Rome on the monumental architecture of Napoleonic Paris. Critics have often condemned Napoleonic architecture for its 'decadence,' and suggested that it illustrates the 'decline' of 'Neo-classicism' in France. Alternatively, the Napoleonic monuments have been regarded merely as propaganda for the new regime. A particular problem is that the Hellenocentric tradition of the History of Art has tended to write out the 'Romanness' of Napoleonic art. Yet a unique architectural relationship developed between Paris and Rome in the second half of the eighteenth century. Central to this relationship was the study of Roman buildings undertaken by the students at the Academie de France A Rome. The onset of the Revolution gave architects the opportunity to design 'Roman' monuments and festival structures in Paris and Rome, and the Revolutionaries embraced the iconography of the Roman Republic. However, it was only with the rise to power of Napoleon and his coronation as Emperor of the French that Paris was established as the 'new Rome'. Inspired by the building projects of the emperors of ancient Rome, Napoleon created his own 'forum' in the heart of imperial Paris. This featured the display of spoils in the 'new Capitol', the Arc de Triomphe du Carrousel, and nearby, the Colonne d la Grande Armee in the Place Vendome. To start with, Napoleon attempted to erect monuments which implied his affiliation to the first emperor of Rome, Augustus, who had secured his position in the name of the Republic and brought peace and prosperity to Rome. But by 1810, it was clear that the emperor Trajan represented a more appropriate imperial model for Napoleon. Trajan was renowned for his military leadership, but also for engaging Rome in constant war.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Murdoch University, 2006. / Thesis submitted to the Division of Arts. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 284-327)

This work employs John Dewey's cultural naturalism to explore how and why the orthodox economic tradition functions as a religious faith.Scholars such as the theologian Harvey Cox and others now view orthodox economic practice as a religion. Other scholars such as Max Weber, Alasdair MacIntyre, and numerous others view modern economic practice as exemplifying a particular ethic. The focus in this work is placed upon the destructive consequences of practicing the Market faith. This work argues that much of contemporary economic practice maintains a view of science that is incompatible with the kind of naturalism found in Classical American Pragmatism. The history of the development of economics as a religious faith is explored beginning in the seventeenth-century up to the present day. The philosophical assumptions that have composed this relatively new faith are analyzed in detail. The conclusion provides an account of what we may hope for in the future.

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Murdoch University, 2002. / Thesis submitted to the Division of Social Sciences, Humanities and Education. Bibliography: leaves i-xiv.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1990. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 214-220). Also available via the Internet.

Thesis (D. Comm.(Financial management sciences))-University of Pretoria, 2005. / Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 121-130). Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

This dissertation centres upon the learning processes and social norms associated with two distinct strands of economic thinking – one loosely heterodox and the other mainstream, or “neo-classical.” My intention is to examine the learning processes and consequent beliefs of a range of Canadian economists, especially macroeconomists. To achieve this goal, I have undertaken a number of comparative case studies within the Canadian context. These have generated data from a survey of 100 academic economists as well as a series of in-depth interviews with 58 Canadian economists across the political and methodological spectra. My results have drawn from the contributions of a total of 158 respondents. This thesis aims to examine economics education in the Canadian context, charting the rise of neoclassical economics from the 1970s onwards while examining the educational processes, choice of language, social norms, and views of human nature to be found among a variety of Canadian economists with differing political orientations. This may help to identify the role economics education has played in shaping the economic landscape in Canada, and how Canadian economists’ learning processes have emphasised or minimised certain assumptions about public policy and human nature that differ from what is taught – implicitly or explicitly – elsewhere. In a field that is, among the social sciences, by far the most resistant to knowledge from other disciplines, Canadian academic economists are by all appearances global outliers. My research suggests that they are significantly more open to knowledge from other disciplines than groups of economists elsewhere; relative to American academic economists, they are almost twice as likely to believe that interdisciplinary knowledge is better than knowledge generated from a single field, and the older cohorts surpass even U.S. sociologists in this regard. My research also suggests that social norms may have a more profound effect on economists’ beliefs than their formal education in economics, and that historical and institutional factors – especially during economists’ formative years – may have a life-long impact on Canadian economists’ political beliefs. There also appear to be educational, geographical, and cohort-related effects on economists’ beliefs that, together with the effects of Canadian social norms, combine to form an image of a discipline that is less polarised, more pro-interdisciplinarity, and substantially more accepting of a role for government in economic policy than that of their economist brethren in the U.S.