This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".

This Thesis examines the ideology, politics and organization of the Australian Extreme Right 1975-1995. Its central interpretative theme is the response of the Extreme Right to the development of the Australian State from a conservative Imperial structure into an American "anti-communist" client state, and ultimately into a liberal-internationalist machine which integrated Australia into a globalized capitalist order. The Extreme Right after 1975 differed from the various paramilitaries of the 1930's and the conservative anti-communist auxiliary organizations of the 1945-75 period. Post 1975, it lost its preoccupation with fighting the Left, and progressively grew as a challenger to liberal-internationalism. The abandonment of "White Australia" and consequent non-European immigration were the formative catalysts of a more diverse and complex Extreme Right. The Thesis uses a working definition of generic fascism as "palingenetic populist ultra-nationalism", to measure the degree of ideological and political radicalization achieved by the Extreme Right. This family of political ideas, independent of the State and mobilized beyond the limits of the former-period auxiliary conservatives, expressed itself in an array of organizational forms. The complexity of the Extreme Right can be demonstrated by using four typologies: Radical Nationalism, Neo-Nazism, Populist-Monarchism and Radical-Populism, each with specific points to make about social clienteles, geographical distribution, particular ideological heritages, and varied strategies and tactics. The Extreme Right could mobilize from different points of opportunity if political space became available. Inevitably a mutual delegitimization process between State and Extreme Right led to public inquiries and the emplacement of agencies and legislation to restrict the new radicalism. This was understandable since some Extreme Right groups employed violence or appeared to perform actions preparatory thereto. It also led to show-trials and para-State crime targeted against particular groups especially in the period 1988-91. Thereafter, Extreme Right organizations pursued strategies which led to electoral breakthroughs, both rural and urban as a style of Right-wing populist politics unfolded in the 1990's. It was in this period that the Extreme Right encouraged the co-optation by the State of the residual Left in the anti-racist fight. This seemed natural, as the Extreme Right's vocal references to popular democracy, national independence and the nativist heritage, had permitted it to occupy the Old Left's traditional ground. In that way too, it was "The Other Radicalism".

Sobretudo a partir da década de 1990, houve um aumento significativo no número de incidentes violentos envolvendo grupos de inspiração fascista, na Europa e nas Américas. Paralelamente ao processo que resultou nesse panorama, ganhou força o movimento denominado “revisionista”, ou negacionista. Através dele, procura-se reescrever a história relativizando determinados elementos do fascismo, ou mesmo negando o caráter genocida do nazismo. Tanto no âmbito político quanto social, os reflexos dessa “onda neofascista” tornaram-se visíveis. A extrema-direita conquistou resultados eleitorais expressivos na Europa, principalmente na França e na Áustria, utilizando uma plataforma xenofóbica e racista. Em vários países, inclusive na América Latina, gangues juvenis adotaram referenciais fascistas, formando a “tropa de choque” da extrema-direita. Um ponto fundamental a ser abordado neste contexto, diz respeito às novas tecnologias de comunicação e sua relação com a expansão dos movimentos de extrema-direita. O uso da internet como meio de divulgação de grupos extremistas – assim como a própria rede – é um fenômeno recente. Porém, o avanço na utilização da web por estas organizações é bastante significativo. Através da rede, os grupos extremistas têm uma poderosa ferramenta de divulgação, bem como um eficiente sistema de comunicação em âmbito mundial. É necessário compreender o impacto das novas tecnologias de comunicação na dinâmica interna dos grupos extremistas e também na sua relação com a sociedade. A Argentina é o país latino-americano com o maior número de páginas neofascistas na internet. Esta pesquisa buscou compreender o atual estágio da extrema-direita de inspiração fascista na Argentina, a partir de suas manifestações na rede mundial de computadores. Foi reconstituída a genealogia da extrema-direita naquele país, para então mapear a sua atual utilização da internet. Analisando os textos neofascistas divulgados nos sites, foi possível identificar seus principais argumentos e buscar a origem histórica do seu discurso. / Especially from the 1990s, there was a significant increase in the numbers of violent incidents involving fascist-inspired groups, in Europe and Americas. Next to the process which resulted in this overview, the “revisionist” movement (or negationism) has grown up. Through the “historical revisionism”, it has been tried to rewrite the history by relativizing certain fascist elements or even denying the genocide character of the nazism. In both political and social sphere, the reflections of this “neofascist wave” have become visible. The extreme right-wing conquered expressive electoral results in Europe, especially in France and Austria, by using a xenophobic and racist program. In many countries, including Latin America, youth gangs adopted a fascist referential, forming the frontline troops of the extreme rightwing. A fundamental point in this context concerns to the new communication technologies and its relation with the expansion of the extreme right-wing movements. The use of internet as means of propaganda by the extremist groups is – just like the web itself – a recent phenomenon. However, the advance in the use of internet by these organizations is significant. Through the net, extremist groups have a powerful propaganda tool and also a worldwide communication system. It is necessary to understand the impact of this new technology in the internal dynamics of the extremist groups, and in their relations with the society. Argentina is the Latin- American country with the largest number of neofascist websites on the internet. This research intended to understand the present stage of the fascist-inspired extreme right-wing in Argentina, from its manifestations over the internet. The origins and development of the extreme right-wing in that country was revisited, and the current use of internet was studied. Analyzing the neofascist texts published in the websites, it was possible to identify their major arguments and find their historical origins.

Sobretudo a partir da década de 1990, houve um aumento significativo no número de incidentes violentos envolvendo grupos de inspiração fascista, na Europa e nas Américas. Paralelamente ao processo que resultou nesse panorama, ganhou força o movimento denominado “revisionista”, ou negacionista. Através dele, procura-se reescrever a história relativizando determinados elementos do fascismo, ou mesmo negando o caráter genocida do nazismo. Tanto no âmbito político quanto social, os reflexos dessa “onda neofascista” tornaram-se visíveis. A extrema-direita conquistou resultados eleitorais expressivos na Europa, principalmente na França e na Áustria, utilizando uma plataforma xenofóbica e racista. Em vários países, inclusive na América Latina, gangues juvenis adotaram referenciais fascistas, formando a “tropa de choque” da extrema-direita. Um ponto fundamental a ser abordado neste contexto, diz respeito às novas tecnologias de comunicação e sua relação com a expansão dos movimentos de extrema-direita. O uso da internet como meio de divulgação de grupos extremistas – assim como a própria rede – é um fenômeno recente. Porém, o avanço na utilização da web por estas organizações é bastante significativo. Através da rede, os grupos extremistas têm uma poderosa ferramenta de divulgação, bem como um eficiente sistema de comunicação em âmbito mundial. É necessário compreender o impacto das novas tecnologias de comunicação na dinâmica interna dos grupos extremistas e também na sua relação com a sociedade. A Argentina é o país latino-americano com o maior número de páginas neofascistas na internet. Esta pesquisa buscou compreender o atual estágio da extrema-direita de inspiração fascista na Argentina, a partir de suas manifestações na rede mundial de computadores. Foi reconstituída a genealogia da extrema-direita naquele país, para então mapear a sua atual utilização da internet. Analisando os textos neofascistas divulgados nos sites, foi possível identificar seus principais argumentos e buscar a origem histórica do seu discurso. / Especially from the 1990s, there was a significant increase in the numbers of violent incidents involving fascist-inspired groups, in Europe and Americas. Next to the process which resulted in this overview, the “revisionist” movement (or negationism) has grown up. Through the “historical revisionism”, it has been tried to rewrite the history by relativizing certain fascist elements or even denying the genocide character of the nazism. In both political and social sphere, the reflections of this “neofascist wave” have become visible. The extreme right-wing conquered expressive electoral results in Europe, especially in France and Austria, by using a xenophobic and racist program. In many countries, including Latin America, youth gangs adopted a fascist referential, forming the frontline troops of the extreme rightwing. A fundamental point in this context concerns to the new communication technologies and its relation with the expansion of the extreme right-wing movements. The use of internet as means of propaganda by the extremist groups is – just like the web itself – a recent phenomenon. However, the advance in the use of internet by these organizations is significant. Through the net, extremist groups have a powerful propaganda tool and also a worldwide communication system. It is necessary to understand the impact of this new technology in the internal dynamics of the extremist groups, and in their relations with the society. Argentina is the Latin- American country with the largest number of neofascist websites on the internet. This research intended to understand the present stage of the fascist-inspired extreme right-wing in Argentina, from its manifestations over the internet. The origins and development of the extreme right-wing in that country was revisited, and the current use of internet was studied. Analyzing the neofascist texts published in the websites, it was possible to identify their major arguments and find their historical origins.

Sobretudo a partir da década de 1990, houve um aumento significativo no número de incidentes violentos envolvendo grupos de inspiração fascista, na Europa e nas Américas. Paralelamente ao processo que resultou nesse panorama, ganhou força o movimento denominado “revisionista”, ou negacionista. Através dele, procura-se reescrever a história relativizando determinados elementos do fascismo, ou mesmo negando o caráter genocida do nazismo. Tanto no âmbito político quanto social, os reflexos dessa “onda neofascista” tornaram-se visíveis. A extrema-direita conquistou resultados eleitorais expressivos na Europa, principalmente na França e na Áustria, utilizando uma plataforma xenofóbica e racista. Em vários países, inclusive na América Latina, gangues juvenis adotaram referenciais fascistas, formando a “tropa de choque” da extrema-direita. Um ponto fundamental a ser abordado neste contexto, diz respeito às novas tecnologias de comunicação e sua relação com a expansão dos movimentos de extrema-direita. O uso da internet como meio de divulgação de grupos extremistas – assim como a própria rede – é um fenômeno recente. Porém, o avanço na utilização da web por estas organizações é bastante significativo. Através da rede, os grupos extremistas têm uma poderosa ferramenta de divulgação, bem como um eficiente sistema de comunicação em âmbito mundial. É necessário compreender o impacto das novas tecnologias de comunicação na dinâmica interna dos grupos extremistas e também na sua relação com a sociedade. A Argentina é o país latino-americano com o maior número de páginas neofascistas na internet. Esta pesquisa buscou compreender o atual estágio da extrema-direita de inspiração fascista na Argentina, a partir de suas manifestações na rede mundial de computadores. Foi reconstituída a genealogia da extrema-direita naquele país, para então mapear a sua atual utilização da internet. Analisando os textos neofascistas divulgados nos sites, foi possível identificar seus principais argumentos e buscar a origem histórica do seu discurso. / Especially from the 1990s, there was a significant increase in the numbers of violent incidents involving fascist-inspired groups, in Europe and Americas. Next to the process which resulted in this overview, the “revisionist” movement (or negationism) has grown up. Through the “historical revisionism”, it has been tried to rewrite the history by relativizing certain fascist elements or even denying the genocide character of the nazism. In both political and social sphere, the reflections of this “neofascist wave” have become visible. The extreme right-wing conquered expressive electoral results in Europe, especially in France and Austria, by using a xenophobic and racist program. In many countries, including Latin America, youth gangs adopted a fascist referential, forming the frontline troops of the extreme rightwing. A fundamental point in this context concerns to the new communication technologies and its relation with the expansion of the extreme right-wing movements. The use of internet as means of propaganda by the extremist groups is – just like the web itself – a recent phenomenon. However, the advance in the use of internet by these organizations is significant. Through the net, extremist groups have a powerful propaganda tool and also a worldwide communication system. It is necessary to understand the impact of this new technology in the internal dynamics of the extremist groups, and in their relations with the society. Argentina is the Latin- American country with the largest number of neofascist websites on the internet. This research intended to understand the present stage of the fascist-inspired extreme right-wing in Argentina, from its manifestations over the internet. The origins and development of the extreme right-wing in that country was revisited, and the current use of internet was studied. Analyzing the neofascist texts published in the websites, it was possible to identify their major arguments and find their historical origins.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a trajetória política do Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional (Prona), organização liderada por Enéas Ferreira Carneiro. Fundado em 1989 e existente até 2006, o Prona representou uma alternativa de direita radical à ordem democrática brasileira, agregando diversos estratos do conservadorismo e autoritarismo político brasileiro após o fim do regime militar. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa se estrutura em dois eixos fundamentais e complementares. Em primeiro lugar, busca analisar a diversidade constituída pela própria agremiação, isto é, quais os caminhos percorridos por uma pequena legenda partidária que buscava eleger seu líder como Presidente da República. Além disso, a pesquisa objetivou analisar também a circularidade de ideias que permearam o partido político em questão, sobretudo no âmbito das cooperações da direita radical brasileira, seu preceitos e valores conservadores e autoritários. Dessa maneira, busca compreender não apenas a trajetória da própria agremiação, mas também suas relações em amplitude nacional e internacional. / This thesis aims to analyze the political trajectory of the Reedification of National Order Party (PRONA), an organization led by Eneas Ferreira Carneiro. Founded in 1989 and existed until 2006, PRONA represented a radical right alternative to the Brazilian democratic order, adding several layers of Brazilian political conservatism and authoritariansm after the end of Military dictatorship. Thus, the research is divided into two core and complementary lines. First, is to analyze the diversity constituted by the Party, that is, which paths were taken by a small party label that sought to elect their leader as President. In addition, the research also aimed at analyzing the circularity of ideas that permeated the political party in question, particularly in the context of cooperation of the Brazilian radical right and its precepts and conservative and authoritarian values. In this way, seeks to analyze not only the trajectory of their own party, but also their relationships on a national and international scale.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a trajetória política do Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional (Prona), organização liderada por Enéas Ferreira Carneiro. Fundado em 1989 e existente até 2006, o Prona representou uma alternativa de direita radical à ordem democrática brasileira, agregando diversos estratos do conservadorismo e autoritarismo político brasileiro após o fim do regime militar. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa se estrutura em dois eixos fundamentais e complementares. Em primeiro lugar, busca analisar a diversidade constituída pela própria agremiação, isto é, quais os caminhos percorridos por uma pequena legenda partidária que buscava eleger seu líder como Presidente da República. Além disso, a pesquisa objetivou analisar também a circularidade de ideias que permearam o partido político em questão, sobretudo no âmbito das cooperações da direita radical brasileira, seu preceitos e valores conservadores e autoritários. Dessa maneira, busca compreender não apenas a trajetória da própria agremiação, mas também suas relações em amplitude nacional e internacional. / This thesis aims to analyze the political trajectory of the Reedification of National Order Party (PRONA), an organization led by Eneas Ferreira Carneiro. Founded in 1989 and existed until 2006, PRONA represented a radical right alternative to the Brazilian democratic order, adding several layers of Brazilian political conservatism and authoritariansm after the end of Military dictatorship. Thus, the research is divided into two core and complementary lines. First, is to analyze the diversity constituted by the Party, that is, which paths were taken by a small party label that sought to elect their leader as President. In addition, the research also aimed at analyzing the circularity of ideas that permeated the political party in question, particularly in the context of cooperation of the Brazilian radical right and its precepts and conservative and authoritarian values. In this way, seeks to analyze not only the trajectory of their own party, but also their relationships on a national and international scale.

Esta tese tem por objetivo analisar a trajetória política do Partido de Reedificação da Ordem Nacional (Prona), organização liderada por Enéas Ferreira Carneiro. Fundado em 1989 e existente até 2006, o Prona representou uma alternativa de direita radical à ordem democrática brasileira, agregando diversos estratos do conservadorismo e autoritarismo político brasileiro após o fim do regime militar. Dessa maneira, a pesquisa se estrutura em dois eixos fundamentais e complementares. Em primeiro lugar, busca analisar a diversidade constituída pela própria agremiação, isto é, quais os caminhos percorridos por uma pequena legenda partidária que buscava eleger seu líder como Presidente da República. Além disso, a pesquisa objetivou analisar também a circularidade de ideias que permearam o partido político em questão, sobretudo no âmbito das cooperações da direita radical brasileira, seu preceitos e valores conservadores e autoritários. Dessa maneira, busca compreender não apenas a trajetória da própria agremiação, mas também suas relações em amplitude nacional e internacional. / This thesis aims to analyze the political trajectory of the Reedification of National Order Party (PRONA), an organization led by Eneas Ferreira Carneiro. Founded in 1989 and existed until 2006, PRONA represented a radical right alternative to the Brazilian democratic order, adding several layers of Brazilian political conservatism and authoritariansm after the end of Military dictatorship. Thus, the research is divided into two core and complementary lines. First, is to analyze the diversity constituted by the Party, that is, which paths were taken by a small party label that sought to elect their leader as President. In addition, the research also aimed at analyzing the circularity of ideas that permeated the political party in question, particularly in the context of cooperation of the Brazilian radical right and its precepts and conservative and authoritarian values. In this way, seeks to analyze not only the trajectory of their own party, but also their relationships on a national and international scale.

This thesis examines the ideological nexus of nationalism and heritage under the social conditions of neoliberalism. The investigation aims to demonstrate how neoliberal economics stimulate the irrationalism manifest in nationalist idealisation of the past. The institutionalisation of national heritage was originally a rational function of the modern state, symbolic of its political and cultural authority. With neoliberal erosion of the productive economy and public institutions, heritage and nostalgia proliferate today in all areas of social life. It is argued that this represents a social pathology linked to the neoliberal state's inability to construct a future-orientated national project. These conditions enhance the appeal of irrational nationalist and regionalist ideologies idealising the past as a source of cultural purity. Unable to achieve social cohesion, the neoliberal state promotes multiculturalism, encouraging minorities to embrace essentialist identity politics that parallel the nativism of right-wing nationalists and regionalists. This phenomenon is contextualised within the general crisis of progressive modernisation in Western societies that has accompanied neoliberalisation and globalisation. A new theory of activist heritage is advanced to describe autonomous, politicised heritage that appropriates forms and practices from the state heritage sector. Using this concept, the politics of irrational nationalism and regionalism are explored through fieldwork, including participant observation, interviews and photography. The interaction of state and activist heritage is considered at the Wewelsburg 1933-1945 Memorial Museum in Germany wherein neofascists have re-signified Nazi material culture, reactivating it within contemporary political narratives. The activist heritage of Israeli Zionism, Irish Republicanism and Ulster Loyalism is analysed through studies of museums, heritage centres, archaeological sites, exhibitions, monuments and historical re-enactments. These illustrate how activist heritage represents a political strategy within irrational ideologies that interpret the past as the ethical model for the future. This work contends that irrational nationalism fundamentally challenges the Enlightenment's assertion of reason over faith, and culture over nature, by superimposing pre-modern ideas upon the structure of modernity. An ideological product of the Enlightenment, the nation state remains the only political unit within which a rational command of time and space is possible, and thus the only viable basis for progressive modernity.