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Este trabalho discute a existência e definição do socialismo tenentista durante a maior parte da década de 1930, no Estado de São Paulo. Resgata e analisa a trajetória de suas organizações: o Partido Socialista Brasileiro de São Paulo; a Legião Cívica 5 de Julho de São Paulo e a Bandeira dos Dezoito em suas discussões, aprofundamentos político-ideológico, divergências e dissensões internas, bem como sua luta contra as oligarquias constitucionalistas e contra o fascismo/integralismo. Investiga o envolvimento de personagens de classe média e de alguns militares com as classes trabalhadoras, principalmente com o operariado. Também recupera suas propostas do que hoje chamamos de políticas públicas e suas propostas de política econômica centradas no cooperativismo e intervenção do Estado. / This doctoral dissertation discusses the existence and definition of socialism lieutenant during the most of the 1930s in the São Paulo State. Recovers and analyzes the trajectory of their organizations: the Brazilian Socialist Party of São Paulo, the Civic Legion July 5th of São Paulo and the Flag of the Eighteen and their discussions, political and ideological deepening and dissensions, as well as their fight against constitutionalists oligarchies and against fascism/integralism. Investigates the involvement of the middle classes characters and some militaries with the working classes, especially with the proletariat. It also recovers their proposals of what today we call public policies and their economic policy proposals focused on cooperativism and the state intervention.

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The Popular Front Policy of the Communist International contributed to the unity of the Popular Front coalitions in France and Spain that won the elections in 1936. It also led to progress for the Communist Party. This never happened in Sweden, but there was some anti-fascist unity within the working class movement. Communist and Social Democrats worked together within the Jansson-Mineur-Committee (1935–1938), an organisation working for the release of two Swedish seamen imprisoned in Nazi Germany. This study examines the Popular Front Policy of the Communist Party of Sweden within the Committee. In relation to previous research, this study’s main contribution is a detailed analysis of the Popular Front Policy on a practical organisational level. The Communists had decisive influence on the Committee, which achieved considerable anti-fascist unity. But unlike in France or Spain, this anti-fascist unity did not lead to broader unity and to progress for the Communist Party, because the dominant Social Democratic Party blocked the Communists efforts. Also, the anti-fascism in France and Spain was different from the Swedish anti-fascism which was mainly directed against foreign fascism. These factors constrained the possibilities of transferring the anti-fascist unity into a general unity within the working class movement.

Este trabalho discute a existência e definição do socialismo tenentista durante a maior parte da década de 1930, no Estado de São Paulo. Resgata e analisa a trajetória de suas organizações: o Partido Socialista Brasileiro de São Paulo; a Legião Cívica 5 de Julho de São Paulo e a Bandeira dos Dezoito em suas discussões, aprofundamentos político-ideológico, divergências e dissensões internas, bem como sua luta contra as oligarquias constitucionalistas e contra o fascismo/integralismo. Investiga o envolvimento de personagens de classe média e de alguns militares com as classes trabalhadoras, principalmente com o operariado. Também recupera suas propostas do que hoje chamamos de políticas públicas e suas propostas de política econômica centradas no cooperativismo e intervenção do Estado. / This doctoral dissertation discusses the existence and definition of socialism lieutenant during the most of the 1930s in the São Paulo State. Recovers and analyzes the trajectory of their organizations: the Brazilian Socialist Party of São Paulo, the Civic Legion July 5th of São Paulo and the Flag of the Eighteen and their discussions, political and ideological deepening and dissensions, as well as their fight against constitutionalists oligarchies and against fascism/integralism. Investigates the involvement of the middle classes characters and some militaries with the working classes, especially with the proletariat. It also recovers their proposals of what today we call public policies and their economic policy proposals focused on cooperativism and the state intervention.

[pt] O objetivo geral da tese é fazer uma história da filosofia do pensamento inicial de Hans Jonas. O seu objetivo específico é investigar, na gênese do pensamento jonasiano, os ambientes que chamamos (Anti)messianismo, Antifascismo e Existencialismo. Certos aspectos destes três ambientes se assemelham à metáfora homérica do Canto das Sereias: eles apontam para a disseminação de narrativas dogmáticas que corrompem perigosamente o ambiente político. Com inspiração na estratégia platônica do Sofista, tentaremos entrincheirar tais cantos, demarcando assim a atitude filosófica primeira de Hans Jonas: desde seu antimessianismo, seu antifascismo e o seu existencialismo. Nossa estratégia é também apresentar um conjunto de hipóteses e evidências – fundamentadas na pesquisa de documentos inéditos do Hans Jonas Archiv, da Konstanz Universität – que validem a pertença intelectual de Hans Jonas aos ambientes acima aventados. Eles apontam também, a nosso ver, importantes desdobramentos ulteriores na filosofia de Hans Jonas. / [en] The general objective of the thesis is to make a history of Hans Jonas philosophy of initial thought. Its specific objective is to investigate, in the genesis of Jonasian thought, the environments we call (Anti) messianism, anti-fascism and existentialism. Certain aspects of these three environments resemble the Homeric metaphor of Sirens Song: they point to the spread of dogmatic narratives that dangerously corrupt the political environment. Inspired by the Sophist s Platonic strategy, we will try to entrench such corners, thus demarcating the first philosophical attitude of Hans Jonas from his anti-Messianism, his anti-fascism and his existentialism. Our strategy is to present a set of hypotheses and evidence – based on the research of unpublished documents by Hans Jonas Archiv, from Konstanz Universität – that validate the intellectual belonging of Hans Jonas to the above mentioned environments. They also point, in our view, to important further developments in Jonasian philosophy.

Given the social importance of understanding violence and why it is applied, this study offers a thorough discussion on antifascists actions and perceptions in relation to violence. While previous research has examined antifascism, a substantial understanding of the concept and justification of violence through individual frames has fallen short. With the objective to contribute to the field of peace and conflict through theoretical approaches in the discipline of sociology, this study aims to contribute to decreasing this gap. With the help of Erving Goffman’s Framing Analysis, previous research, and thematic analysis, this study accounts for the individual perceptions and meanings ascribed to social situations and violence within anti-fascism. By conducting eight semi-structured interviews with individuals who identify themselves as active antifascists, this study has been able to demonstrate the importance of recognising the subjective understanding of violence as a means for an antifascist goal. Indeed, the antifascist perceptions are highly individual, where the mere notion that is agreed upon is that fascism has to be countered. While certain individuals justify violence for an antifascist purpose, it is framed as self-defence – but that violence is justified for the greater aim of antifascism, is not proved as a commonality. / Med den sociala vikten av att förstå våld och varför det tillämpas, har denna studie ämnat att bidra med en djupgående diskussion om antifascistiska handlingar och uppfattningar i relation till våld. Även om tidigare forskning har undersökt antifascism, saknas det en grundlig förståelse för konceptet och rättfärdigandet av våld genom individuella ramar. Med syftet att bidra till området för fred och konflikt genom teoretiska angrepp inom sociologins disciplin, syftar denna studie till att minska detta gap. Med hjälp av Erving Goffmans ramanalys, tidigare forskning och tematisk analys, har denna studie kunnat redogöra för individuella uppfattningar och den inneboende meningen som tillskrivs sociala situationer och våldsamma handlingar. Genom att genomföra åtta semistrukturerade intervjuer med individer som identifierar sig som aktiva antifascister har denna studie kunnat belysa vikten av att uppmärksamma de subjektiva förståelserna av våld som ett medel för ett antifascistiskt ändamål. De antifascistiska uppfattningarna är individuella, och den gemensamma uppfattningen som enar antifascister är att fascism måste motverkas. När våld är rättfärdigat av dessa individer är det inom ramen av självförsvar, men att våld är rättfärdigat för det större antifascistiska syftet, är bevisligen inte en konsensus.

A tese apresenta uma análise sobre a circulação de ideias antifascistas entre intelectuais uruguaios, argentinos, brasileiros e franceses que pertenciam a associações dedicadas à luta contra o fascismo e pela defesa da cultura entre 1933 e 1939. Procuramos mostrar que os movimentos antifascistas do Cone Sul, embora compartilhassem de objetivos comuns, eram heterogêneos e tinham características próprias. Estas derivavam da multiplicidade de vozes presentes nas associações de intelectuais, o que contrapõe a ideia de que o antifascismo seria fruto da ação exclusiva dos partidos comunistas ou da coordenação da Internacional Comunista (IC). A pesquisa mostra também que o diálogo intelectual ocorrido no âmbito da luta antifascista conectou estes diferentes espaços, estabelecendo um debate de dimensão transnacional. As conexões entre os que exerceram o papel de mediadores neste debate foram estabelecidas por meio da imprensa, que serviu como elemento de mediação para o intercâmbio de ideias que acabou por atravessar as fronteiras nacionais do Cone Sul chegando até a França. / This thesis analyzes the circulation of anti-fascist ideas among Uruguayan, Argentine, Brazilian and French intellectuals who belonged to associations that dedicated themselves to the struggle against fascism and in \"defense of culture\" between 1933 and 1939. We aim to show that anti-fascist movements in the Southern Cone, even while they shared common objectives, were heterogeneous and had their own characteristics. These came from the multiplicity of voices in the associations of intellectuals, which counters the idea that anti-fascism was the exclusive fruit of Communist parties or from the coordination of the Communist International (IC). The study also shows that the intellectual dialogue that occurred in the orbit of the anti-fascist struggle connected these different spaces, establishing a debate about in a transnational dimension. The connections between those who exercised the role of mediators in this debate were established through the press, which served as a mediating element for this exchange of ideas that crossed the national frontiers of the Southern Cone and arrived in France.

A tese apresenta uma análise sobre a circulação de ideias antifascistas entre intelectuais uruguaios, argentinos, brasileiros e franceses que pertenciam a associações dedicadas à luta contra o fascismo e pela defesa da cultura entre 1933 e 1939. Procuramos mostrar que os movimentos antifascistas do Cone Sul, embora compartilhassem de objetivos comuns, eram heterogêneos e tinham características próprias. Estas derivavam da multiplicidade de vozes presentes nas associações de intelectuais, o que contrapõe a ideia de que o antifascismo seria fruto da ação exclusiva dos partidos comunistas ou da coordenação da Internacional Comunista (IC). A pesquisa mostra também que o diálogo intelectual ocorrido no âmbito da luta antifascista conectou estes diferentes espaços, estabelecendo um debate de dimensão transnacional. As conexões entre os que exerceram o papel de mediadores neste debate foram estabelecidas por meio da imprensa, que serviu como elemento de mediação para o intercâmbio de ideias que acabou por atravessar as fronteiras nacionais do Cone Sul chegando até a França. / This thesis analyzes the circulation of anti-fascist ideas among Uruguayan, Argentine, Brazilian and French intellectuals who belonged to associations that dedicated themselves to the struggle against fascism and in \"defense of culture\" between 1933 and 1939. We aim to show that anti-fascist movements in the Southern Cone, even while they shared common objectives, were heterogeneous and had their own characteristics. These came from the multiplicity of voices in the associations of intellectuals, which counters the idea that anti-fascism was the exclusive fruit of Communist parties or from the coordination of the Communist International (IC). The study also shows that the intellectual dialogue that occurred in the orbit of the anti-fascist struggle connected these different spaces, establishing a debate about in a transnational dimension. The connections between those who exercised the role of mediators in this debate were established through the press, which served as a mediating element for this exchange of ideas that crossed the national frontiers of the Southern Cone and arrived in France.