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Sub-state nationalist parties mobilised and saw an increase in electoral support in the 1960s and 1970s. A heterogeneous group of parties, they are united by their claims upon the state in favour of self-government. However, sub-state nationalist parties advance a variety of goals, ranging from more moderate forms of recognition and cultural or political autonomy, to more radical restructuring of the state along federal lines, to even more radical demands for political independence. The language, content, and arguments in favour of these goals varies - both between parties and within individual parties - over time. As a result, we know less than we should about self-government goals themselves. This research asks two core questions. Firstly, what do sub-state nationalist parties want? And more importantly, operating from the assumption that sub-state nationalist parties are strategic actors, how do their goals reflect strategic considerations, understanding of the contexts in which they are expressed, and their historical positions? By comparing three cases, a third question can be explored, assessing the ways in which variation in the empirical contexts in which these goals are articulated may manifest in variation in the framing of self-government goals. In this research, I argue the self-government goal presented by a given sub-state nationalist party can be considered a reflection of the 'art of the possible', a pragmatic articulation of what might be achieved under a system of constraints rather than the single-minded pursuit of self-government, regardless of its costs and consequences. In order to fully capture the complexity of self-government goals and the contexts in which they are expressed, three case studies, in two territorial contexts, are studied in depth. The first is the Scottish National Party, which seeks political independence for Scotland. The other two are parties which emerged in Flanders, the Volksunie, which existed between 1954 and 2001, and its successor, the Nieuw-Vlaamse Alliantie. These cases represent some of the most successful sub-state nationalist parties, both in electoral terms, particularly in recent years, and arguably in making progress towards their self-government goals.

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Orientador: Alexandre Mate / Banca: Rosangela Patriota / Banca: Lúcia Romano / Resumo: O texto de Eles não usam black tie foi concluído em 1956 e sua primeira encenação ocorreu dois anos depois no Teatro de Arena de São Paulo, causando sensação imediata entre o público e chamando a atenção de parte dos meios intelectuais e acadêmicos. O protagonismo de uma família carioca operária, pobre e favelada era uma novidade bem-vinda ao cenário teatral brasileiro, assim como as inovadoras técnicas de representação em arena. Os anos 1950 fervilhavam politicamente com a conturbada sucessão de Getulio Vargas e a euforia coletiva advinda do nacional-desenvolvimentismo de Juscelino Kubitschek. O Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) tentava reorganizar-se diante dos desafios internos e do cataclismo vindo de fora: as denúncias de Nikita Kruschev em relação aos crimes perpetrados sob ordens de Josef Stálin. A década também foi marcada pela introdução em terras brasileiras do épico brechtiano e por um intenso debate sobre o papel político da dramaturgia nacional. Até que ponto a militância política e a sensibilidade dramatúrgica de Gianfrancesco Guarnieri sofrem tais influências? O texto Eles não usam black tie pode ser pensado como uma fonte histórica privilegiada a dialogar com a conjuntura política e estética em que foi elaborada? A militância política do autor surge em uma relação dialética com as diretrizes do PCB, os princípios do drama burguês e do épico brechtiano, em um texto embebido dos dilemas e contradições do Populismo / Abstract: The play Eles não usam black tie (They don't wear black tie) was finished in 1956. Its first performance occurred two years later in Arena Theatre in São Paulo, causing immediate impact in the public and catching intellectual and academic circles attention. The protagonism of a poor labor family in Rio de Janeiro was a welcome innovation to the Brazilian theatrical scenario, as well as the innovative techniques of performing in arena. In the fifties, the political environment was agitated over the difficult succession of Getulio Vargas and the collective euphoria coming from the national-development plan of Juscelino Kubitschek. The Communist Party of Brazil (PCB) was trying the reorganize itself in the face of internal challenges and crisis coming from outside: the speech delivered by Nikita Kruschev denouncing Stalin's crimes in the Soviet Union. This decade was also important for the introduction of brechtian epic theatre and for an intense debate over the political role of national dramaturgy. To which extent the political militancy and the dramaturgic sensibility of Gianfrancesco Guarnieri were affected by those influences? Can the play Eles não usam black tie be thought as a privileged historical source to dialogue with the political and esthetic conjuncture in which it was conceived? It can be observed a dialectical relation between Guarnieri's political militancy and the guidelines given by PCB at the time, the principles of bourgeois drama and the brechtian epic theatre in a text full of dilemmas and contradictions of Populism. / Mestre

<p>Abstract:</p><p>The aim of this study has been to investigate (theoretically as well as empirically) the problematic notions of state neutrality and political perfectionism and, in particular, the potentially vast continuum existing between these concepts both in theory and in actual political practice. In order to accomplish this, a conceptual analysis has examined (some of) the arguments for and against state neutrality and political perfectionism, different aspects of neutralism and perfectionism as well as the exact definition of the concepts of “neutrality of justification” and “conceptions of the good”. Using a specific (though not entirely uncontested) definition of these concepts, an empirical analysis was made of Swedish parliamentary parties and their cultural policies. The empirical part of the study seemed to confirm one of the basic premises of this study; that state neutrality and perfectionism are often (as has indeed been recognized by critics of state neutrality) intertwined in the business of everyday politics.</p>

Thesis (M.A.)--Georgia State University, 2006. / Title from title screen. Wendy Hamand Venet, committee chair; Glenn T. Eskew, committee member. Electronic text (155 p.) : digital, PDF file. Description based on contents viewed Apr. 25, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 140-147).

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio University, June, 2006. / Title from PDF t.p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 144-156)

Abstract: The aim of this study has been to investigate (theoretically as well as empirically) the problematic notions of state neutrality and political perfectionism and, in particular, the potentially vast continuum existing between these concepts both in theory and in actual political practice. In order to accomplish this, a conceptual analysis has examined (some of) the arguments for and against state neutrality and political perfectionism, different aspects of neutralism and perfectionism as well as the exact definition of the concepts of “neutrality of justification” and “conceptions of the good”. Using a specific (though not entirely uncontested) definition of these concepts, an empirical analysis was made of Swedish parliamentary parties and their cultural policies. The empirical part of the study seemed to confirm one of the basic premises of this study; that state neutrality and perfectionism are often (as has indeed been recognized by critics of state neutrality) intertwined in the business of everyday politics.

Since forming a parliamentary party in 1994, the Bloc Québécois has been interpreted exclusively as the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement. Although the partys raison dêtre is well known, less so are its actions in the House of Commons. This thesis begins with two main assumptions: first, traditional characterizations of the BQ are incomplete because they ignore crucial aspects of the partys actual behaviour; second, conventional approaches to the study of new parties in Canada perpetuate the emphasis on the BQs nationalist ideology. <p>Taking a new approach to the new party, this is a study of the Bloc Québécois as a party in Canadas Parliament. In order to learn more about the Blocs performance in the House of Commons and its committees, this thesis examines the Blocs contribution to debate on the formulation of national policy. Contrary to what might be expected of a separatist party, the following case studies show the BQ contributing willingly and substantively to parliamentary deliberation on a wide array of pan-Canadian issues. Moreover, during debate, Bloquistes are rarely found demanding an independent Québec state; instead, they address legislation brought before the House, promoting a liberal, social-democratic set of values. Far from being a maverick in Parliament, the BQ is a full participant. In fact, Bloquistes enhance the quality of parliamentary debate, and counterbalance the views of the right-wing Reform/Alliance party. <p>Throughout the thesis the Blocs surprising parliamentary performance is explained by an analysis of the influence of power and institutions on the actions of political agents. It concludes that by accepting membership in the House of Commons, the BQ has been forced to conform to parliamentary rules and customs. Subsequently, Parliament has limited the partys ability to advocate Québec secession, and has broadened its perspective to consider all matters of national concern.