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Regional organisations have often played a catalytical role in developing regional ocean regimes that directly pertain to the peculiar needs and circumstances of a given region. As a response to the challenges imposed by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, the island States of the South Pacific region established the South Pacific Forum Fisheries Agency, with the specific mandate to assist them manage the enormous tuna resource of the region. The thesis seeks to ascertain the extent to which those needs have been satisfied. The thesis begins with the hypothesis that the Forum Fisheries Agency has in fact fulfilled those needs. The analysis is based on inferences which are drawn from the functions and responsibilities of the Forum Fisheries Agency, and certain significant legal developments it has helped spawn. The thesis does not engage in a cost/benefit evaluation of the Forum Fisheries Agency because that is an issue best left to the purview of individual member States to determine. Two conclusions are drawn from the analysis. First, the Forum Fisheries Agency has met the needs of the island States. Secondly, through the Forum Fisheries Agency, the island States are implementing the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

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Past research has addressed the disparities in educational achievement for primary seven school leavers in Uganda but it did not take into account the multidimensional perspectives: those on poverty (as reported by the poor) and on educational inequalities between and within regions, particularly with regard to the impacts of the 1997 Universal Primary Education (UPE) policy. The central question for this enquiry was: whether the UPE policy reforms have eradicated the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda given the evidence of a decade of UPE implementation (1997-2007). Five research questions arose: (1) What is the state of the regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda a decade after the launching of the 1997 UPE policy? (2) What are the perceptions of Primary leavers and adults on UPE and NFE and the effects of these interventions in reducing poverty and educational inequalities? (3) Is there evidence that UPE is helping poor people to escape from poverty? (4) How are poor people in Uganda socially constructed? What is the impact of the social construction of UPE on the learning outcomes of learners across the three different locations? and (5) How can UPE be meaningfully designed to help reduce regional poverty and educational inequalities in Uganda? The field data was collected during a year-long (June 2007 - May 2008) qualitative, field-based study of 16 Primary school graduates and pioneer beneficiaries of the 1997 UPE policy and of 34 adults – the latter identified by the nature of their role and position in relation to these UPE graduates. Broadly, the typology provides the central framework for a comparative study, through the diverse perspectives of Primary leavers, head teachers, education officials, community leaders and Education Executive Committee members and others chosen through a purposive sampling strategy, in three distinct education settings (the City, the peri-urban Municipality and the Village) using face-to-face interviews, focus groups and participatory techniques. The research adopted an integrated approach using critical ethnography, social constructionist and the emancipatory paradigms for triangulation. The Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality (SACMEQ II 2005 - Byamugisha and Ssenabulya) Survey on Numeracy and Literacy levels for Grade 6 in Uganda provided data to validate the findings from the integrated account and to support the thesis that UPE has not reduced regional inequality in Uganda. The study identified the following gaps for further research: (a) gathering robust disaggregated data to address exclusion – gender, disability, socio-economic status, ethnic origin and place of residence; (b) an investigation of the most practical and cost-effective approach to meet the education aspirations of the disadvantaged school-age out-of-school children and youths; c) a study of the impact of the language policy implemented through the thematic curriculum in the multi-lingual and multi-ethnic classrooms, (d) an investigation of the high attrition rates and the attribution of poor quality of UPE to teachers, and (e) a clarification of the meaning of UPE in Uganda from an inclusive and an equity perspective.

This thesis divides Taiwan's impact on the Bush administration's Mainland China policy into three stages. The first period was from January 1989, when George Bush entered the White House, to June 3, when the Tiananmen Massacre took place in Beijing. The second period was from June 1989 to July 1991. The third period was from July 1991 to the end of 1992. Through examining the Bush administration's Mainland China policy, this thesis argues that Taiwan's impact on the administration's China policy evolved a tract from unimportant to important in the years between 1989 and 1992. It further argues that Taiwan has become an independent factor, whose China policy was not under the control of the United States. Sometimes it undermined American Mainland China policy.

This paper discusses the Romaji Movement and its role in the reform of the Japanese written language during the Allied Occupation of Japan (1945-1952). Past analyses concerning the Romaji Movement have suggested that romanization failed due to conspiracies against it and have neglected to consider other alternatives being pursued by the Japanese government. This paper will take a closer look at the Americans who supported romanization, their motivations for doing so, and the development of SCAP policy towards language reform. Since simplification, not romanization, was the preferred objective of both the American and the Japanese governments, this paper goes on to examine alternative methods to simplification which, in the end, proved to be highly successful.

The goal of this study is to investigate language use among a relatively young immigrant community in Britain with a view to finding out what role English plays in their lives, whether they still use their languages of origin, and what are the reasons for their particular language behaviour. Language use and maintenance in an immigrant minority setting is an important area of investigation if one is to understand some of the factors involved in the community's integration process, or the lack of it, in general, and to appreciate the role of language for integration in particular. Minority communities adopt a number of linguistic strategies for communication among themselves and their wider community. In most cases, these linguistic strategies are dictated by both the social and linguistic environment the immigrant minority finds itself living in. The thesis first looks at the sociolinguistic situation of Morocco in order to establish the linguistic background of this community. It then considers the British Moroccans from a socio-economic perspective with a view to identifying factors that may influence language shift behaviour. The empirical part of the thesis is concerned with establishing linguistic as well as non-linguistic determinants of language maintenance such as those that influence language choice, code-switching, attitudes and use of language-specific media. The study has two main hypotheses: first, the Moroccan community in Britain is undergoing a generational language shift, and second, typical Moroccan sociolinguistic patterns are reflected in the language use of Moroccan speakers in Britain as well. While the former hypothesis has, on the whole, proved correct, the latter did not hold true.

The study discusses the translation of intertextual expressions in political articles, aiming at understanding the role of intertextuality within the cultural, ideological and individual circles. Critical discourse analysis shows clearly how indispensible intertextuality is to political discourse in particular as a major ideological tool, especially in the information age when the media employ numerous forms of intertextuality to reinforce their message in terms of legitimisation or delegitimisation. Political newspaper comments tend to belong to the argumentative or vocative (appellative) type of texts, which are intended to achieve a maximum impact on the receiver. In an attempt to relay intertextual expressions across languages, a culture-specific problem is mainly found since different aspects of intertextuality are likely to arise in social, historical, religious and literary terrns which form the unique background of each culture. It is suggested that a three-stage process underpins the successful translation of intertextual expressions. First, an intertextual expression needs to be identified; second, its 'host of associations' have to be fully comprehended; thirdly, the appropriate type of equivalence is to be chosen to 'reflect the same ideological force' of the original expression. This is often achieved by means of functional equivalencc, which provides corresponding target language culture expressions that are expected to 'Invoke the same effect' of those of the source language culture.