Prior research from the U.S. and abroad reveals a sizable lesbian earnings advantage over otherwise-similar heterosexual women. Using data from the 2000 U.S. Census and 2005-2010 American Community Surveys, we estimate traditional earnings equations and find robust evidence of a lesbian premium, corroborating the findings of previous studies. Using within-sample maternity incidence as an estimate of employers' forward-looking expectations, we then examine whether differences in the perceived likelihood of an employee requiring maternity leave, here-labelled 'maternity risk', contribute to the lesbian pay gap. Results from a direct assessment suggest that maternity risk adversely affects income, and that accounting for near-term differences in maternity risk reduces the lesbian premium by approximately ten to fifteen percent. Further analyses, using proxy variables for differential maternity risk, yield similar results. As such, the persistent finding of a lesbian earnings advantage in previous studies can be attributed, at least in part, to employers' aversion to maternity risk and its associated costs. These findings are also of critical importance to the general labour-market discrimination literature. Given the adverse earnings effect of maternity risk, our analysis suggests that estimates of the well-established gender earnings disparity are likely to be considerably smaller when incorporating maternity risk into the analysis. Absent the ability to adequately control for maternity risk, strict attention should be paid to potential upward bias in estimated earnings differentials. Moreover, policymakers should consider the broader implications of maternity-leave policy on the labour-market outcomes of females. In this respect, maternity-leave policy may influence the hiring and promotion decisions of employers, thereby indirectly affecting sexual-orientation and gender equality in the labour market. However, further research in this area is still required, given the limitations inherent in the direct and indirect analyses.

The issue of gender wage differentials has long been of interest not only to economists, but also to governments and policy makers. In the last few decades, the labour market outcomes for females seem to be improving; however, the gender pay gap persists globally and females still earn significantly less than males. However, labour market discrimination has not received the research attention it deserves in developing countries in general, and in Syria in particular. A wide variety of factors could influence the gender pay gap, such as human capital, job characteristics and social factors. In the Syrian context, social and cultural factors play an important role in determining the position of females in the labour market. However, most previous studies have ignored the effects of social factors on other variables. Therefore, this research investigates the indirect effect of social factors on wages through human capital and job characteristics. This thesis has two main aims: to examine the main determinants of earnings for men and women in Syria, and to investigate the existence and extent of discrimination in the observed gender wage differentials there. To achieve this, two methods were used. Firstly, the Mincerian wage equations were used to analyse gender wage determinants, then discrimination was estimated using Oaxaca’s decomposition. Secondly, General Linear Modelling (GLM) Univariate ANOVA was tested to reveal the main and interaction effects of the factors specified in the theoretical model. The data used in this research came from the Syrian Labour Force Survey (LFS) 2010 conducted by the Government through the Central Bureau of Statistics. The results indicated that human capital variables were vital in explaining individuals’ earnings. Also, job characteristics and social variables explained wages to different degrees. Rates of return to education were, on average, around 5%, with women’s returns being better for higher educational levels. All three groups of variables explained only 17.19% of the earning gap between men and women, leaving 82.81% that could be considered as labour market discrimination. The GLM models revealed that social factors have significant indirect effects on wages as, when adding these indirect effects to the model, the explained variance in wages increased from 35% to 55%. This research makes significant contributions to the field of gender wage differentials and discrimination in Syria. The results of this study could help the Syrian government to develop tailored policies for the Syrian labour market to narrow the gender pay gap as decreasing gender inequality would enhance productivity and foster economic growth.

The work analyzes the development and salary differentiation in the Czech Republic and focuses on the wage differentials between men and women. It evaluates the impact of factors, which may influence salary, like age, education, work classification (KZAM) and region, where an employer works. Women labour market condition goes before the own analysis.

Doležalová Kamila. Gender pay gap in education within Ostrava district. Diploma thesis. Brno : Mendel University, 2019. This diploma thesis looks into wage differences between men and women employed in sector of education within the district of the city of Ostrava. Its main objective is to determine the level of the gender pay gap in sector of education in the Ostrava district and to compare this result with the national average. The thesis also examines the factors that cause gender pay gap in this area, gender stereotypes, interpersonal relationships in the workplace and gender discrimination. In the literature research, the reader is acquainted with the basic concepts related to gender pay gap, its causes and possibilities of reduction. The field of education and the Ostrava district are characterized in the own part of the thesis, the results of questionnaire research and semi-structured interviews are presented. Based on these findings, concrete measures are proposed to remedy the situation.

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This thesis is concerned with different incomes of men and women in the professional category of scientists and intellectual workers and aims to describe the reasons and the degree of income inequality between men and women in this category and in the conditions of the Czech Republic. The theoretical resources of the thesis are a compilation of facts and opinions of the authors and scientists who are engaged in the area of (gender) income inequality. The chapters gradually reveal the state of gender inequality in selected regions of the world - the U.S.A, Asia and Europe, including the legislative framework. The following chapter is based on available statistical information reflects the situation in the Czech Republic. The theoretical part ends with a description of the indicators of income inequality. Practical part of this thesis works with SILC2009 data for the category of scientific and intellectual workers in terms of dependent variables affecting the amount of income for both sexes and compares the results against each other. For complete the overall view on the topic of gender income inequality was made research of respondents' awareness of the issue

The persisting gap between male and female wages in the United States offers a seemingly unusual disconnect between what is observed in the data and what is suggested by labor economics theory. Many authors have used aggregate or case methods to attempt to explain this gap. One characteristic of the earnings gap which has rarely been discussed is the large variation in female earnings as a percentage of male earnings by state. Why would median female earnings be 65% of male earnings in Louisiana while being 87% of median male earnings in New York? In this paper, using yearly Census data, I first find that the wage gap varies widely by state even when controlled for traditional determinants of wages and the gender pay gap. Then, deriving new variables to represent this controlled variation, I further find evidence that several state-specific characteristics represented by cross-section data explain a large portion of the controlled variation in gender pay gap by state. I conclude that the variables representing the structure of state economies as well as key measures of ideology and gender-related attitudes by state are significant determinant factors in why we see so much geographic variation in the gender pay gap.

Women are paid less than men in comparable occupations when human capital factors are controlled for. This gender pay gap is particularly prominent in upper management where on average female leaders are allocated 30 per cent less pay than male leaders. This thesis examines the underlying causes and the consequences of the gender pay gap in managerial positions by considering the organisational context (i.e., company performance) and social context (i.e., women’s experiences in the workplace) in which these differences emerge. First, three studies identify and examine gender disparities in the way in which performance-based pay is allocated as a function of company performance. Second, a survey study takes the perspective of leaders themselves by considering gender differences in pay-related attitudes and their relationship to distinct gendered experiences in the workplace. An archival study (Study 1, N = 192), an experiment (Study 2, N = 201), and a survey (Study 3, N = 180) investigated the role of gender in the relationship between managerial bonuses and company performance. In studies 1 and 3 the bonuses awarded to men were larger than those allocated to women. Moreover, while the compensation of male leaders was sensitive to performance, such that they received greater bonuses the better their company performed, the bonuses awarded to female directors were not sensitive to performance across all three studies. The psychological processes related to this phenomenon were explored in Study 2. It was found that, for a male leader, increasing company performance simply led to larger performance-related bonuses. However, for a female leader, the allocation of a bonus was based on perceptions of her charisma and leadership ability rather than resulting directly from company performance. v Study 4 examines gender similarities and differences in attitudes towards pay and pay negotiations. In a sample of 180 employees with managerial responsibilities, no gender differences in attitudes about the importance of pay were found. However, while female participants felt less confident than men about asking for pay rises, this was, at least in part, explained by their negative workplace experiences, such as feeling to have to invest more time and effort in order to achieve a pay rise and fearing negative responses when making pay demands. The importance of integrating the organisational and social context in the analysis of the gender pay gap is discussed in light of the limitations of a primarily individualistic approach. The role of the organisational context in moderating the attributional dynamics surrounding pay and evaluation patterns is explained within the framework of literature on the romance of leadership and gender stereotypes. The social context is considered in terms of the role of societal beliefs which may influence women’s decisions to opt out of top managerial jobs and their lack of confidence with pay negotiations. Finally, these findings are used to critique the tendency to blame women themselves for gender disparities in pay and their under-representation in managerial jobs, and instead I argue that it is organisational indifference towards women that perpetuates the gender pay gap.

In the first chapter of this thesis, we investigate the impact of human capital and wage structure on the gender pay in a panel of European countries using a newly available and appropriate database for cross-country comparisons and a comparable methodology for each country. Our first question is : What role do certain individual characteristics and choices of working men and women play in shaping the cross-country differences in the gender pay gap? What is the exact size of the gender pay gap using the “more appropriate” database available for our purpose? Giving that there are mainly only two harmonized data-sets for comparing gender pay gap throughout Europe: the European Community Household Panel (ECHP) and the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES). Each database having its shortages: the main weakness of the ECHP is the lack of perfect reliability of the data in general and of wages in particular. However the main advantage of this database is the panel-data dimension and the information on both households and individuals. The data of the ESES is, on the contrary, of a very high standard but it only covers the private sector and has a cross-sectional dimension. Furthermore only few countries are currently available : Denmark, Belgium, Spain, Ireland and Italy. We use the European Structure of Earning Survey (ESES) to analyse international differences in gender pay gaps in the private sector based on a sample of five European economies: Belgium, Denmark, Ireland, Italy and Spain. Using different methods, we examine how wage structures, differences in the distribution of measured characteristics and occupational segregation contribute to and explain the pattern of international differences. Furthermore, we take account of the fact that indirect discrimination may influence female occupational distributions. We find these latter factors to have a significant impact on gender wage differentials. However, the magnitude of their effect varies across countries. In the second chapter, we analyse the persistence of the gender pay differentials over time in Europe and better test the productivity hypothesis by taking into account unobserved heterogeneity. Our second question is : What is the evolution of the pay differential between men and women over a period of time in Europe? And what is the impact of unobserved heterogeneity? The researcher here provides evidence on the effects of unobserved individual heterogeneity on estimated gender pay differentials. Using the European Community Household Panel (ECHP), we present a cross-country comparison of the evolution of unadjusted and adjusted gender pay gaps using both cross-section and panel-data estimation techniques. The analysed countries differ greatly with respect to labour market legislation, bargaining practices structure of earnings and female employment rates. On adjusting for unobserved heterogeneity, we find a narrowed male-female pay differential, as well as significantly different rates of return on individual characteristics. In particularly, the adjusted wage differential decreases by 7 per cent in Belgium, 14 per cent in Ireland, between 20-30 per cent Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Spain and of 41 per cent and 54 per cent in the UK and in Denmark respectively. In the third chapter, we investigate causes of the gender pay gap beyond the gender differences in observed and unobserved productive characteristics or simply the sex. Explanations of the gender pay gap may be the penalty women face for having children. Obviously, the motherhood wage penalty is relevant to larger issues of gender inequality given that most women are mothers and that childrearing remains a women’s affair. Thus, any penalty associated with motherhood but not with fatherhood affects many women and as such contributes to gender inequalities as the gender pay gap. Furthermore, the motherhood wage effect may be different along the wage distribution as women with different earnings may not be equal in recognising opportunities to reconcile their mother’s and earner’s role. This brings us to our third question. Our third question is : What is the wage effect for mothers of young children in the household? And does it vary along the wage distribution of women? This chapter provides more insight into the effect of the presence of young children on women’s wages. We use individual data from the ECHP (1996-2001) and both a generalised linear model (GLM) and quantile regression (QR) techniques to estimate the wage penalty/bonus associated with the presence of children under the age of sixteen for mothers in ten EU Member States. We also correct for potential selection bias using the Heckman (1979) correction term in the GLM (at the mean) and a selectivity correction term in the quantile regressions. To distinguish between mothers according to their age at the time of their first birth, wage estimations are carried out, separately, for mothers who had their first child before the age of 25 (‘young mothers’) and mothers who had their first child after the age of 25 (‘old mothers’). Our results suggest that on average young mothers earn less than non-mothers while old mothers obtain a gross wage bonus in all countries. These wage differentials are mainly due to differences in human capital, occupational segregation and, to a lesser extent, sectoral segregation between mothers and non-mothers. This overall impact of labour market segregation, suggests a “crowding” explanation of the family pay gap – pay differential between mothers and non-mothers. Nevertheless, the fact that we still find significant family pay gaps in some countries after we control for all variables of our model suggests that we cannot reject the “taste-based” explanation of the family gap in these countries. Our analysis of the impact of family policies on the family pay gap across countries has shown that parental leave and childcare policies tend to decrease the pay differential between non-mothers and mothers. Cash and tax benefits, on the contrary, tend to widen this pay differential. Sample selection also affects the level of the mother pay gap at the mean and throughout the wage distribution in most countries. Furthermore, we find that in most countries inter-quantile differences in pay between mothers and non-mothers are mainly due to differences in human-capital. Differences in their occupational and sectoral segregation further shape these wage differentials along the wage distribution in the UK, Germany and Portugal in our sample of young mothers and in Spain in the sample of old mothers. In the fourth chapter, we analyse the combined effect of motherhood and the family status on women’s wage. Our fourth question is : Is there a lone motherhood pay gap in Europe? And does it vary along the wage distribution of mothers? Substantial research has been devoted to the analysis of poverty and income gaps between households of different types. The effects of family status on wages have been studied to a lesser extent. In this chapter, we present a selectivity corrected quantile regression model for the lone motherhood pay gap – the differential in hourly wage between lone mothers and those with partners. We used harmonized data from the European Community Household Panel and present results for a panel of European countries. We found evidence of lone motherhood penalties and bonuses. In our analysis, most countries presented higher wage disparities at the top of the wage distribution rather than at the bottom or at the mean. Our results suggest that cross-country differences in the lone motherhood pay gap are mainly due to differences in observed and unobserved characteristics between partnered mothers and lone mothers, differences in sample selection and presence of young children in the household. We also investigated other explanations for these differences such as the availability and level of childcare arrangements, the provision of gender-balanced leave and the level of child benefits and tax incentives. As expected, we have found significant positive relationship between the pay gap between lone and partnered mothers and the childcare, take-up and cash and tax benefits policies. Therefore improving these family policies would reduce the raw pay gap observed.

The paper analyses Gender Equality, Gender Equity and policies of combating inequality at workplace to make the society equal as a case study of Sweden. The aim of paper is see the gender equality, gender equity, discrimination against women at workplace and to describe the policies combating inequality in the welfare state of Sweden. This work highlights the gender equality in terms of institutionalizing gender equality, gender equity, gender and pay gap, parental leave, gender and the pension system and sexual behavior directed towards women and policies combating inequality to bring equality in society. For my research I used the secondary data the fact sheets, scientific literature, statistics from eurostate of Sweden and case studies about Swedish society and the theoretical explanation to explain the phenomena. To achieve my aim I used the combination of both qualitative and quantitative methods of research. I showed the empirical evidences of these phenomena from the Swedish society and theoretical analysis about equality and equity of gender in different wakes of life. I found an interesting conclusion that there are good policies and legislation to combat inequality to bring society but there are no policies to change the perception of society about male and female role.