Submitted by isabela.moljf@hotmail.com (isabela.moljf@hotmail.com) on 2017-02-22T13:29:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 nataliasathersigiliano.pdf: 1007505 bytes, checksum: acafea7216566c152e5cf26eda350ed4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2017-02-22T14:52:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 nataliasathersigiliano.pdf: 1007505 bytes, checksum: acafea7216566c152e5cf26eda350ed4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-02-22T14:52:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 nataliasathersigiliano.pdf: 1007505 bytes, checksum: acafea7216566c152e5cf26eda350ed4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Neste trabalho propomos que as várias acepções do verbo pegar, no Português do Brasil, podem ser compreendidas a partir do momento em que consideramo-lo como um verbo polissêmico. Entendemos que, por extensões metafóricas, do sentido básico e mais concreto de pegar derivaram-se os outros sentidos. Em nossa hipótese, defendemos que há uma noção de movimento e contêiner que perpassa as construções com o verbo. Estas construções, no presente trabalho, são divididas em grupos como: (a) pegar lexical, constituído por aqueles verbos que obedecem à ordenação S V (O) e que apresentam o sentido do verbo mais próximo ao considerado pleno; (b) pegar no discurso, que são os verbos que funcionam em duas diferentes construções, sendo que em ambas temos o verbo pegar seguido de um verbo (dicendi ou outros verbos, dependendo da construção), em que os dois verbos são flexionados no mesmo tempo e modo verbal, compartilhando um mesmo sujeito e objeto; (c) pegar aspectual, o qual, em sua forma infinitiva e unido a um verbo flexionado, transmite a noção de início e de certa continuidade da ação. Uma esquematização é proposta a fim de organizar os estudos referentes ao pegar lexical, o mais relevante nos dados, e, ainda, demonstrar, por meio deles, o fio condutor de significado que perpassa as construções com pegar. Com isso, demonstraremos que, além de produtivo em nossa língua, o pegar é um verbo que demonstra a mudança semântica e a sua ligação com a forma como o homem conceptualiza o mundo. / In this work we propose that the several meanings of the verb pegar, in Brazilian Portuguese, can be better understood if we take it as a polysemous verb. We claim that, through metaphoric extensions, other meanings can derive from the basic more concrete meaning of pegar. According to our hypothesis, there are notions of movement and container which are shared by the constructions with this verb. These constructions, in the present work, are categorized into groups such as: (a) lexical pegar group, composed by those verbs which follow the SV(O) order and bear meanings closely related to the more basic one; (b) discourse pegar group, composed by two different constructions in which the verb pegar is followed by another finite verb (either dicendi or not), inflected in the same mood and tense, and sharing the same subject and complement; (c) aspectual pegar group, in which the verb pegar is followed by an infinitive form and bears the notion of inception and of certain continuity of the action. We propose a schema in order both to organize our conclusions concerning the lexical pegar, the most relevant within the data collected, and to demonstrate the conceptual commonalities found amongst every construction with pegar. Furthermore, we will argue that, besides being highly productive in our language, pegar demonstrates how semantic change works and also how it is deeply related to the way human beings conceptualize the world they experience.

Les adolescents qui frappent leurs parents sont issus de familles dans lesquelles la violence est diffuse. Ceci nous a amenée à l’hypothèse que la problématique des limites était en cause à un niveau intrapsychique, intersubjectif et transpsychique. Pour répondre à cette hypothèse nous avons employé deux approches méthodologiques. La première est quantitative, basée sur l'étude de 52 situations d’adolescents frappeurs qui mettent en avant la perception des professionnels sur ces cas. La seconde méthode s’appuie sur des rencontres cliniques auprès de trois familles, suivies durant plusieurs mois. Les résultats ont mis en évidence que les jeunes frappeurs sont dans une problématique limite, centrale dans leur fonctionnement psychique. Ces limites sont également défaillantes entre les membres de la famille et entre les générations. Ceci est en lien avec un manque de contenance des barrières de pare-excitation. À l’adolescence le fantasme « un enfant est battu » réermerge, le jeune se situe dans une phase précédent celle-ci : « un parent est battu ». Dans une impossibilité à la critique et au meurtre symbolique, l’adolescent reste figé dans un fonctionnement où il met en acte ce fantasme. Le jeune et le parent se retrouvent dans une difficulté en miroir, figés dans cet impossible critique du lien. D’un point de vue familial, l’adolescent prend le rôle de porte-voix des différentes générations et crée par son acte une distance afin de pallier le manque de frontières générationnelles. / Adolescents who are hitting their parents are in families in which violence is abundant. This led us to the hypothesis that the problem of limits was involved, in the intrapsychic problems, intersubjective and transpsychic. To answer at this hypothesis different methods were used. The first is quantitative, it’s from 52 young hitters and highlights the perception of professionals in these situations. The second method is based on clinical encounters with three families, over a period of several months. The results highlights that young hitters are in a limited problems that is central to their psychic function. These limits are also failing between family members and generations. This is caused by a lack of attitude as a barriers and protective shield. At the adolescence age the fantasy "a child being beaten" reappears, the youth is in a phase preceding: "a parent is beaten." In the impossibility to criticism and symbolic murder, the teenager remains frozen in a operation system where he enacts this fantasy. The youth and the parents are in a mirror difficulty frozen in that impossible critical link. From a family point of view, the teen is the spokesman of the different generations and create a distance by his act to overcome the lack of generational boundaries. / Los adolescentes que pegan a sus padres se encuentran en familias donde la violencia es difusa. Esto nos lleva a la hipótesis de que la problemática de los límites está cuestionada, en la problemática intrafísica, intersubjetiva y transpsiquica. Para responder a esta hipótesis diferentes métodos han sido empleados. El primero es cuantitativo, y surge de 52 situaciones de adolescentes maltratadores y prioriza la percepción de los profesionales sobre estas situaciones. El segundo método se basa en los encuentros clínicos a partir de tres familias, seguidas durante varios meses. Los resultados han puesto en evidencia que los jóvenes maltratadores se sitúan en una problemática límite que es central en sus funcionamientos psíquicos. Estos límites también son ineficaces entre los miembros de la familia y entre las generaciones. Éstos están causados por una falta de continencia de las barreras de para- excitación. En la adolescencia la fantasía "un niño maltratado" resurge, el joven se sitúa en una fase precedente a ésta: "un progenitor es maltratado". Dentro de la imposibilidad a la crítica y a la muerte simbólica, el adolescente se mantiene fijado en un funcionamiento donde activa esta fantasía. El joven y el progenitor se reencuentran dentro de una dificultad en espejo fijada dentro de esta imposible crítica del vínculo. Desde un punto de vista familiar, el adolescente se sitúa como porta voz entre las diferentes generaciones y crea a través de su acción una distancia con el fin de suplir la falta de fronteras generacionales.