The Aegean Sea is considered to be a classic back-arc basin. Back-arc basins may develop by active processes including retreat of the overriding plate or upwelling from the subducting slab. Alternatively, back-arc basins may develop as passive responses to regional tensional stresses. The Biga Peninsula of western Turkey provides an opportunity to explore and test these models. The Biga region is characterized by granitoid plutons of Cretaceous to Miocene age that may provide insight into the nature of extension. This study focuses on understanding the evolution of three of these plutons, the Kozak, Eybek, and Kestanbolu. Geochemical and geochronological data and cathodoluminescence (CL) images of the rocks and zircons were acquired. The first in situ (in thin section) ion microprobe U-Pb ages of zircon, and the first zircon ages ever reported from the Kozak and Eybek plutons are presented. Zircon ages range from 36.5±6.6 Ma to 17.1±0.7 Ma (238U/206Pb, ±1) with two ages from a single grain of 280±18 Ma and 259±14 Ma. Samples from the Kozak and Eybek plutons are magnesian, calc-alkalic, and metaluminous, whereas the Kestanbolu rocks are magnesian, alkali-calcic, and metaluminous with one ferroan sample. The Rb vs. (Y+Nb) diagram suggests the Kozak and Kestanbolu plutons have a volcanic arc source, whereas the Eybek pluton records a within plate setting. CL imagery documents magma mixing, brittle deformation, and fluid- rock interactions based upon cracked plagioclase cores, cross-cutting microcracks, and fluid reaction textures of myrmekite and red rims on alkali feldspar. The plutons were generated following the collision of the Sakarya continent with the Anatolide-Tauride block. Geochemical data suggest the Kozak and Kestanbolu granitoids were generated by fluid flux melting from dehydration of the subducting slab of the Anatolide-Tauride block. The Kestanbolu granitoid intruded into the Vardar Suture north of this collision, whereas the Eybek pluton was created within the lithosphere during exhumation of the Kazdağ Massif. The Eocene - Oligocene zircon ages indicate emplacement and initial crystallization of the plutons. Early Miocene ages indicate ongoing extension in the region at this time and are consistent with earlier interpretations that subduction slab roll-back along the Hellenic arc formed the extensional environment in the region at this time. / text

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The research approaches Turkish membership question to the European Union as an open-ended struggle among social forces. It aims to address whether there is a hegemonic pro-membership perspective and if any, which social forces are supporting it. Is there any alternative contesting and resisting membership and neo-liberal restructuring? Can disadvantaged groups from globalisation form a united struggle, and if not, how can we account for the lack of an alternative? At the theoretical level, it dismisses mainstream integration theories as debate is mainly stuck to the dichotomy between membership or not (form of integration), that in return is a non-debate. It introduces Gramscian historical materialist framework that paves the way to account for socio-economic content and power relations underpinning ongoing integration process. The argument proceeds by delving into a debate on theoretical coordinates regarding hegemony in Gramscian analyses and the theory of discourse introduced by Laclau and Mouffe in the Hegemony and Socialist Strategy. Ultimately, it dismisses theory of discourse and conceives class struggle in relation to discipline of capital over society within social relations of production. The empirical data relies on semi-structured interviews conducted with capital and labour, political parties, state officials and women rights/feminist groups and human rights groups. Additionally, particular sectors, textile, automotive and agriculture are examined in parallel with Gramscian historical materialist coordinates on intra-class struggle. I shall argue that pro-membership perspective, whose socio-economic content is consolidation of neo-liberal restructuring, is hegemonic. It is pioneered by internationally oriented capital and conveyed as the means to stimulate competitiveness and economic growth and to consolidate democracy. It draws support from nationally oriented capital analogous with delocalization of production and integration to transnational production via outsourcing and contract manufacturing. Yet, it is possible to identify two rival class strategies that contest neo-liberal pro-membership project, neo-mercantilism that is supported by nationally oriented labour, nationalist political parties, centre-left political parties and Ha-vet (No-Yes) that is underpinned by internationally oriented labour, social democratic fraction among the Left, particular women rights groups and human rights groups. On the one hand, position of social forces underpinning neo-mercantilism is weakened in economy and ideas that echo import-substitution policy under Keynesian welfare state regime and developmentalist state in periphery are defeated analogous with globalisation and neo-liberal restructuring. The only criticism of neo-mercantilist project remains on national sensitivities. Put bluntly, the critique is anti-imperialist though not anti-capitalist. At the final analysis, membership is interpreted in relation to modernization and westernization with a populist discourse. On the other hand, although social forces within Ha-vet read European Union as a capitalist economic integration model, they conceive internationalisation of labour and European Social Model as the only viable mechanism to struggle against globalization and transnationalisation of production. Moreover, European integration is received positively as a democratization project. Ultimately, neither neo-mercantilism that supports ‘membership on equal terms and conditions’, nor Ha-vet that adopts the motto of ‘another globalisation and Europe is possible’, stands as an overall alternative.

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The purposes of the present study may be stated as follows : i. To present a logical chronological account of the physiographic development of Melville Peninsula. ii. To trace the major events of the Pleistocene glaciation and deglaciation in Melville peninsula. iii. To discuss the geomorphic processes which are active today in modifying the present surface configuration ofMelville Peninsula. iv. On the basis of the above discussion, to divide the peninsula into physiographic regions and to describe them systematically.

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Small, locally-marketing farms are garnering more attention with regard to their ability to supply their regions with food. Their economic viability is called into question because if they cannot sustain themselves financially, they cannot be relied upon as an alternative food system. This paper looks at economic viability and ask the question “how are farmers making it work?” Data is based on a 25 interviews with farmers on the Saanich Peninsula, British Columbia, Canada. The decision to continue running a farm year to year is complex. The answer to valuing these farms may come by looking at the productivity of the farms, their many services to the environment and to their communities, rather than just the financial picture. Farmers are finding ways to retain more of the value of their productivity from transactions with customers. Navigating the regulatory environment remains a challenge. The paper concludes with policy recommendations. / Graduate

This thesis aims to test and refine the theory of humanitarian war through the medium of a case study of the NATO intervention in Kosovo in 1999. Key research questions include: Is ‘humanitarian war’ a contradiction in terms? To what extent can military force be an appropriate and effective instrument for solving or averting humanitarian crises and ensuring respect for human rights? Is the concept, as some critics argue, too easily abused by powerful states seeking to justify wars fought for self-interested reasons? The thesis will look at the arguments of both proponents and critics of the concept of humanitarian war. The aim is to provide an immanent critique of the theory, judging it on its own terms; therefore when the arguments of critics are considered, the main emphasis will be on critics who come from within the liberal spectrum, rather than on realists or communitarians. It will examine the theory in terms of its three aspects- the jus ad bellum, jus in bello and jus post bellum- with the aim of taking a ‘longer view’ of intervention than is often the case in the existing literature, viewing it not as a discrete event but as part of a complex long-term process. The case of Kosovo was chosen as a recent intervention that has often been cited as a good example of a humanitarian war, and one which most proponents of the concept supported, at least in principle.

Akademisk avhandling--Göteborgs högskola. / Extra t.p., with thesis note, inserted. "Källor och litteratur": p. [174]-181.