Even though Broca's area has been associated with speech and language processing since the 19th century, the exact role that it plays is still a matter of debate. Recent models on the neuroanatomical substrates of language have assigned Broca's area to different processes: syllabification (Indefrey and Levelt 2004), articulatory code storage (Hickok and Poeppel 2004) and verbal working memory (Chein and Fiez 2001; Chein et al. 2002). The subject of this doctoral dissertation, is to examine language production and disambiguate the role of Broca's area. This issue was addressed in a series of functional magnetic resonance imaging studies (fMRI) involving speech production, where the phonological properties of pseudowords were manipulated in a way that differentiated between syllabification and articulatory code generation. The load on verbal working memory was also changed. The behaviour of Broca's area was then examined in response to these manipulations to determine the dependence of the observed results on the different levels of processing and verbal working memory. The results from the present studies suggest that the dorsal premotor cortex has a consistent role in articulatory code generation irrespective of verbal working memory demands. In contrast, Broca's area, specifically Brodmann area 44, showed a main effect of phonetic encoding only during delayed response tasks. Interestingly, area BA44 was also found to be functionally segregated between the dorsal and ventral part. The dorsal part was sensitive to articulatory and phonological load, such as stimulus length. The ventral part on the other hand was sensitive to sub-lexical stimulus properties, but only during delayed response trials. These findings suggest that BA44 is not a homogeneous region, but it is divided into a dorsal premotor and a ventral prefrontal part. These results add another dimension of complexity to the study of Broca's area, its functional segregation and its role in language production.

A powerpoint lecture used in the video about how to write your name in Mayan. / This collection consists of learning objects developed for use in courses offered by the Department of Linguistics. Learning objects include lectures, presentations, quizzes, activities, and more. Access to this collection is restricted to authorized faculty and instructors. For access to this collection, please contact Dr. Amy Fountain, Department of Linguistics, avf@email.arizona.edu.

Instantiative Phonology presents a model of grammatical organization whose conceptual orientation arises from the Communication System Hypothesis, the notion that natural languages are communication systems and as such have properties predicted by the Mathematical Theory of Communication (Shannon 1948). Following from this general notion is the empirical hypothesis that phonological processes identify the carriers of grammatical information and instantiate the grammatical constituents of a particular language. The thesis concerns itself with evaluating the empirical relevance of this Hypothesis of Instantiation with respect to grammatical systems. Initially, this research develops a learning mechanism with the capacity to learn a fragment of the purely phonologically conditioned rules of American English based solely on their output in a phonetic representation. While this learner demonstrates sufficient capacity to learn the fragment of American English, it cannot learn the details of this fragment if its rules apply in some order other than that supported by attested data. The properties of this learning mechanism are then used to inform the internal organization of the formal aspects of the model. This model emerges with several desirable properties, including a very restrictive interpretation of both phonological rule typology and the extrinsic ordering of phonological rules. Following this exposition, the model is evaluated through a broad investigation of the purely phonologically conditioned rules from a single language, Turkish. This evaluation reveals that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of Turkish make crucial reference to a subset of phonological features with the necessary and sufficient capacity to generate the "distinctive" inventory of the language. Further, these rules refer to the Turkish grammatical constituents syllable, morpheme, and word over a wide range of different phonological contexts, supporting the notion consistent with the Hypothesis of Instantiation that the purely phonologically conditioned rules of a language provide the user with an efficient and reliable parser of that language. This research concludes that the Hypothesis of Instantiation is borne out in language systems.

The tree model of segment structure proposed by Clements (1985) is an important innovation in phonological theory, making possible a number of interesting and arguably correct predictions about the form of assimilation rules, locality of rule application, and the organization of the distinctive feature system. Clements's proposal has given rise to an expanding literature, including Sagey (1986), Schein and Steriade (1986), Archangeli and Pulleyblank (forthcoming), and McCarthy (forthcoming). In this paper, I argue that the tree model as it stands faces a serious empirical shortcoming: it fails to provide an adequate account of diphthongization rules, here defined as rules that convert a segment (vowel or consonant) into a heterogeneous sequence. I propose a revised tree model, which for clarity and explicitness uses coindexation rather than association lines to indicate temporal association. I argue that my proposal solves the diphthongization problem, and that it also makes it possible to restrict the power of segment structure theory in the following way: the "feature- bearing units" (Clements 1980) for any feature are always elements of the prosodic tier, and not nodes in the segment tree.

Language games have fascinated linguists in that they can provide unusual insight into the grammars of languages. The evidence provided by the study of a language game has usually been used by linguists to argue for certain phonological and morphological analysis of the source language. Recent studies of the mechanism that derives language games also discuss broader theoretical issues like the nature of this mechanism, its reflection of internal structure of the syllable and morpheme, its relationship with the morphological and phonological processes in natural languages, and the proper phonological and prosodic representations in describing the formation of language games (e.g., McCarthy 1981, 1982; Yip 1982 ). Chinese secret languages are language games spoken by children, thieves, or fortune tellers. They are also called Fanqie languages because their formation follows the traditional Chinese Fanqie principle which divides a syllable into an Initial and a Final. (1) gives some examples illustrating this traditional division of syllables . (1) Initials and Finals in Chinese (Tones are omitted): a. /ma/; Initials: /m/; Finals: /a/ b. /kuai/ [kway]; Initials: /k/; Finals: /uai/ [way] c. /pan/; Initials: /p/; Finals: /an/ d. /tuan/ [twan]; Initials: /t/; Finals: /uan/ [wan] e. /uan/ [wan]; Initials: none; Finals: /uan/ [wan]. Within a syllable the first consonant is the Initial, what remains is the Final. (1) e. is an example of the "zero Initial" syllable. Chao (1931) describes eight varieties of Chinese secret languages in terms of this traditional view on the Chinese syllable. In these languages each syllable is typically split into two syllables with the addition of a fixed Initial and /or a Final. For example, one of the Mandarin secret languages derives [may ka] from the base word /ma/, the fixed Initial /k/, and the fixed Final /ay /. Departing from this traditional view, Yip (1982) proposes to treat the formation of these secret languages as instances of reduplication within the framework of CV phonology (McCarthy 1979, Clements & Keyser 1983). In this paper I examine the behavior of nasal segments in Taiwanese secret languages described by Li (1985) in the hope of revealing the relationship between the phonological structure of the source language and that of the secret languages, and throwing some light on the understanding of the formal mechanism and principles employed by Chinese secret languages. I follow Yip in treating the formation of Chinese secret languages as reduplication,3 and assume an autosegmental model of phonology that incorporates underspecification (e.g. Archangeli & Pulleyblank 1986) and feature geometry (e.g. Clements 1985a; Sagey 1986). In Section 1, an introduction of three types of Taiwanese secret languages is given. Section 2 shows that the spreading of nasality of the nasalized vowels throughout the whole reduplicated domain in the secret language argues for the existence of a floating nasal feature in Taiwanese and the treatment of this domain as a basic morphological word. The behavior of the syllable final consonants in these Taiwanese secret languages presented in Section 3 calls for an assimilatory treatment rather than the dissimilatory one proposed by Yip (1982). Section 4 discusses some theoretical implications with respect to the theory of reduplication in analyzing the syllabic nasals in Taiwanese secret languages. Finally, a conclusion summaries the preceding sections.

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