It is widely acknowledged that certain feature combinations are more likely to occur than others. For example, the feature of nasality is much more likely to appear on segments that are voiced than on segments that are voiceless (see discussion below). Several properties of such combinatorial restrictions are important, including the following: (i) the motivation or source of such restrictions, (ii) their cross-linguistic variability, (iii) their language -internal strength, (iv) the manners in which they manifest themselves. This paper examines certain aspects of the phonology of nasal segments that bear on these issues. The paper focusses on the phenomenon of nasal opacity, where opacity is used to refer to the arresting of a process of feature propagation. When some feature (in this paper, nasality) is transmitted throughout some domain, the presence of certain opaque segments interrupts such a transmission. It is shown that in a wide range of cases involving nasality, the class of opaque segments is systematically defined. Blocking is not due to the lexical idiosyncracy of particular segments; the class of blockers is defined in terms of particular phonological features. This property raises two important issues. On the one hand, how can the possible classes of blockers be characterised in terms of their feature composition? On the other hand, by what mechanism do the opaque elements actually accomplish blocking. In the following sections, I first discuss certain cross-linguistic generalisations concerning cooccurrence restrictions involving nasality; I go on to demonstrate that the types of cooccurrence restrictions governing segmental inventories also define typical classes of opaque segments; finally, it is demonstrated that the actual mechanism for accomplishing the blocking of feature transmission involves feature cooccurrence restrictions in a central way.

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This paper looks at two recent approaches to accentuation in Ancient Greek, Steriade 1988 and Sauzet 1989. Both Steriade and Sauzet include treatments of enclitic accentuation in Ancient Greek which I will argue need to be revised. Steriade offers a metrical analysis that is consistent with most of the data but theoretically suspect. Sauzet 1989 offers a mixed metrical/autosegmental account that is theoretically more appealing but-fails to account for established generalizations about enclitic accentuation. I will adopt the general framework of Sauzet, which seems to be more in line with normal (non -enclitic) accentuation in Ancient Greek, but revise his analysis of enclitic accent. The result, I hope, will be a more insightful approach to enclitic accent than either Steriade's or Sauzet's. An added bonus of the present analysis is that it uses the same footing procedures that Allen (1973 ) has motivated independently for Ancient Greek primary and secondary stress- -this is true of neither Sauzet's nor Steriade's analyses.

Two intriguing properties of reduplicative affixes are that they are invariant in shape or weight and that their segmental makeup is dependent upon the base to which they are attached. Previous autosegmental explanations of shape- invariance and base- dependent melody adopt two mechanisms: i) a skeletal template to account for the consistency in weight and ii) a copying mechanism that transfers base segmental content into a reduplicative template (Marantz 1982, Broselow and McCarthy 1984, and Levin 1985). These accounts have since come under attack for a number of reasons. One major criticism concerns the unconstrained nature of templates; in, principle., any string of skeletal slots can be licensed as a template under these earlier accounts (Clements 1985, McCarthy and Prince 1986, 1987, and Steriade 1988). As a means of coping with this problem, McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1987) propose that reduplicative affixes be characterised by prosodically defined templates: i) core syllables (ad, ii) light syllables (σ(μ)), iii) heavy syllables (σ(μμ)), iv) syllables (σ), v) bimoraic feet (F(μμ)), vi) iambic feet (F(μμμ)), vii) disyllabic feet (F(σσ)), and viii) prosodic words. An important contribution of prosodic templates is that they establish prosodic constituency as a criterion for constraining templates, for a unit that does not correspond to a prosodic constituent can never be licenced as a reduplicative template. In addition, McCarthy and Prince (1986, 1987) exploit a copying mechanism. Copying can take two forms: i) an entire sequence of base segmental melody can be targeted for copying; or ii) a portion of it can be targeted for copying as long as that portion is prosodically defined or "circumscribed" (McCarthy and Prince 1990). In either case, copying is selective in that it excludes suprasegmental structures. Hence, I will refer to this model as Selective Copy. In contrast with Selective Copy, Steriade (1988) puts forward a different prosodic model of reduplication. Within her model, shape- invariance results from an interplay of weight and syllable markedness parameters. Among the weight parameters are: i) light syllables, ii) monosyllabic feet, iii) bimoraic feet, iv) disyllabic feet. These weight parameters differ from prosodic templates posited by Selective Copy. They are not templates that possess independent prosodic structures even though they are stated in terms of prosodic units that specify which prosodic constituent is targeted as the reduplicant. This conception of weight parameters forces a different copying apparatus. Copying must be exhaustive: it must target both the segmental melody and the prosodic structure of the base. This is critical; without the prosodic constituents of the base, weight parameters cannot select which unit of the copied base to retain as the reduplicant. In the following, I will refer to this model as Exhaustive Copy. This brief contrast demonstrates two radical differences between Selective Copy and Exhaustive Copy: i) templates vs. parameters and ii) selective vs. exhaustive copying. These differences impose a further contrast in expressing insertion of base - independent melody. Whereas insertion can make reference to the prosodic units of a template with Selective Copy, it cannot rely on parameters with Exhaustive Copy. Insertion can and must be defined by an existing prosodic structure of the base. This distinction becomes significant in examining Swati diminutive reduplication, which shows a base-independent vowel a in its reduplicant. What is important about this melody is that it is present only when a base cannot supply sufficient segmental content for a foot-sized reduplicant lingi-lingis 'resemble a little' vs. goba-gob 'bend a little'. The question addressed here is whether or not these two proposals can express a insertion. I demonstrate that a insertion cannot be formally stated by Exhaustive Copy. Crucial to the argument is that an insufficient base is lacking not only in segmental melody but also in prosodic constituency essential for defining the locus of insertion. Motivation for an insertion treatment takes two steps. First, internal evidence from passive formations suggests that i functions as the default vowel -not a. Second, this a behaves in Kikuyu like an architypical instance of "prespecification" in that it overrides any vowel in the base. As mentioned in footnote 4, Kikuyu and Swati are both members of the Bantu family. Moreover, reduplication as a diminutive marker is an important and widespread property of Bantu morphology (Meinhof 1932). This suggests that Swati a should be treated on a par with Kikuyu a since it cannot be filled in by default. The layout of this paper is as follows. Section 1 contrasts the two models of reduplication through examples from Tagalog. Section 2 applies Selective Copy to an account of Kikuyu and Swati reduplication. In particular, I demonstrate that Swati a requires an insertion treatment in consideration of both internal and external evidence. Section 3 spells out the argument against Exhaustive Copy from Swati a. In Section 4, I discuss some further implications of the templatic vs. parametric opposition for an overall theory of morphology. The critical point emerging from this discussion is that morphological processes such as Semitic roots and Japanese hypocoristics require access to templates; the parametric approach falls short on this score.

Recent developments in metrical theory have led to the situation in which there are now at least four different approaches to stress assignment. One approach uses only a grid to represent the relative prominence of syllables in a word (cf. Prince 1983); aside from representational conventions, the grid -only approach differs from the other three in that it does not posit any metrical constituency. Second, the constituentized grid approach also represents stress with a grid, but by enhancing the representations with parentheses, metrical constituency is also indicated (cf. Halle and Vergnaud 1987). Hayes (1987) has recently developed an approach employing representations like those in the constituentized grid approach; I will refer to this as the templatic approach. This approach is different insofar as the constituents which are available in the theory are not derived from parameters, but rather it is the constituent templates themselves which are the primitives of the theory. The fourth approach is one in which relative prominence is indicated with arboreal structures, rather than with grids (cf. Hayes 1981, Hammond 1984). In this paper I will present an analysis of the stress pattern of Pacific Yup'ik which follows Rice (1988), and I will claim that this analysis has important implications for each of the approaches mentioned above. Pacific Yup'ik is a particularly interesting testing ground for metrical theories; for our purposes here, the interesting aspect is that an adequate analysis of the stress pattern has broad implications for various approaches to stress assignment.

In Nootka, there is a strategy for forming hypocoristic names, or terms of endearment, from the normal form of the name by a combination of truncation, vowel mutation and affixation. The nature of this formation is highly suggestive of the type of morphology described by many linguists as subtractive. In this paper, however, we will show that what actually occurs is a pattern of template -filling based on the prosodic structure of the language. We will argue that the building of hypocoristic forms is, in fact, highly reminiscent of reduplicative strategies employed in this language as argued for in Stonham 1987 for the closely related Nitinaht language, the difference being that reduplication subsequently concatenates with the structure it has drawn from, while Nootka hypocoristic formation, henceforth H.F., abandons the remainder of the original structure, retaining only the copied portion required for the template. Before investigating the nature of H.F., we will first present certain aspects of Nootka structure which will be important for a clear exposition of the problem.

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In loanword phonology we seek to uncover the processes by which speakers possessing one phonological system perceive, apply native representational constraints on, and ultimately produce forms which have been generated by a different phonological system. In other words, loanwords do not come equipped with their own phonological representation. For any phonetic string, it is only native speakers for whom a fully articulated phonological structure is present. As host language speakers perceive foreign forms solely in accordance with their own phonological system, they instantiate native representations on the acoustic signal, fitting the superficial input into their own phonological system as closely as possible. Given these assumptions, it should not be surprising that despite the identity of a given acoustic signal when impinging upon the inner ear of speakers of different languages, this input may be represented, and ultimately produced in a distinct manner in each language it enters. The loanword phonology under investigation here, that of Cantonese, will be shown to possess two distinct levels. The first level of loanword phonology consists of a parsing of the input signal into unprosodized segment-sized chunks, for which native feature matrices are provided. As this level of loanword phonology is solely concerned with perceiving the input, and providing a preliminary linguistic representation, we may refer it as the Perceptual Level. It is only when full prosodic structure is supplied for the incoming form that the raw segmental material may undergo phonological processes, so that it may be realized in conformity with native prosodic constraints on syllable structure. As this stage of the loanword phonology admits the possibility of true phonological processes acting on segments, it may be regarded as the Operative Level of the loanword phonology. The processes which apply at the Operative Level of the Cantonese loanword phonology do not exist in native phonological derivations. As these operations were not acquired during the initial acquisition period, they exist in a separate domain from native phonological operations, presumably supplied by Universal Grammar. Their only property common with native phonological processes is that the same constraints exert an influence on the output of both systems. I will provide evidence for the Perceptual Level and the Operative Level of the loanword phonology by showing that loanwords undergo two distinct, ordered scansions during the course of the derivation. Scansion One will be shown to correspond to the Perceptual Level of the loanword phonology, providing raw segmental representation to incoming forms. Scansion Two will be shown to correspond to the Operative Level of the loanword phonology, providing prosodic representation which will be shown to trigger various phonological operations on the perceived segments.

No description available.

No description available.