No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.

This study examines the congressional mission to liberated concentration camps in April and May 1945. General Dwight D. Eisenhower requested a congressional mission and a group of newspaper editors and publishers to view firsthand the horrors of the concentration camp Buchenwald, so that the American public might be made more aware of German atrocities in concentration camps and to dispel the belief that the atrocity reports were wartime propaganda. The congressmen and newspapermen were horrified by what they saw at the German concentration camps, and many reported back to the American public about the atrocities and conditions in the concentration camps through articles, interviews, speeches, and rallies. Upon their return to the United States, the congressmen published a report on the conditions within the camps, and many of them spoke in Congress and to the public about the need to re-educate the Germans, try guilty Germans, and rebuild Germany. The congressmen and editors and publishers brought legitimacy to the reports of American war correspondents concerning German atrocities, and their efforts contributed to constructing a political climate that allowed for and legitimized the Nuremberg Trials, the U.S. Army denazification efforts, and the rebuilding of Germany through the Marshall Plan. To examine this mission, newspaper articles from April and May 1945 were collected from thirteen American newspapers, as well as the Times of London. Research was also conducted in the personal collections of two of the congressmen who toured Europe at that time, as well as at the National Archives in College Park, MD. This study goes beyond the existing research by examining the congressional mission to Buchenwald, Dora, and Dachau, which, though it has been briefly mentioned in existing Holocaust literature, has never been fully examined.

No description available.

This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.

How has the connection between health and eligibility of the President of the United States been formed over time? This thesis uses Presidents Taft, Wilson, and Roosevelt to examine the history of disease and ability in presidential body politics, exploring the representation of the body in the highest position of America.

PREFACE: Indian removal was one of the most vital problems in the early history of the State of Tennessee. When this state came into the Union she had title to only two widely separated triangles of land, one in northern Middle Tennessee, the other in East Tennessee. The Indians held title to all other lands within her limits, and these lands practically surrounded the white settlements. Squatters who settled upon Indian soil and holders ot North Carolina land warrants petitioned the Federal Government to purchase Indian land; public officials pleaded for the purchase of Indian land to aid in the development of transportation facilities and in the expansion of the state. The state could legally expand only as she obtained land from the Indians; therefore the Indians were constantly pressed for cessions of land, until they were entirely removed from the state.

Thesis (M.A.) at University of Tennessee from 1923 describing relations between the Cherokee and English prior to 1763. This thesis by David Buchanan contains detailed accounts of the Cherokee nation before colonization of the Cherokee territories in the Appalachian region as well as interactions between the English army and settlers.