O objetivo geral desta tese foi compreender as mudanças ocorridas no interior de organizações sociais da agricultura familiar, como a Fetraf-Sul, em virtude de sua participação na formulação e implantação de políticas públicas de segurança alimentar e nutricional (SAN). Para concretizar os objetivos foram utilizados os enfoques teóricos da Contentious Politics e da Perspectiva Orientada ao Ator. A investigação se caracterizou por ser um estudo de caso e privilegiou a abordagem qualitativa, auxiliada pela quantitativa. Optou-se por duas unidades de análise, sendo uma em Brasília, Distrito Federal, e outra no município de Constantina, no Rio Grande do Sul. As entrevistas semiestruturadas foram a principal técnica de coleta de dados, mediante entrevistas de 63 informantes-chave, complementadas com diário de campo, observação participante e dados secundários de acervos de instituições públicas, entidades e organizações sociais. A tese de fundo desta pesquisa é que a definição das formas de organização e ação e das estratégias dos movimentos e organizações sociais é, em parte, estruturada em função da forma como se configuram as relações com os atores e instituições político-administrativas. Essas formas se explicam, parcialmente, por sua inserção relacional na qual as relações com o Estado são centrais. Neste sentido, a mudança de relações baseadas, centralmente, no confronto para relações baseadas, centralmente, na cooperação conflituosa oportunizou e, por vezes, demandou transformações importantes na organização e na atuação da Fetraf-Sul Os principais resultados da investigação são organizados em cinco conclusões. A primeira é que a análise da inserção da Fetraf-Sul nas políticas públicas levou ao resultado teórico explicitado na conformação de um novo padrão de relações entre o Estado e os movimentos e organizações sociais, sobretudo, expresso na cooperação por formulação de políticas públicas e na sua execução qualificada por parte das organizações sociais. A segunda realça que a Fetraf-Sul aproveitou as oportunidades políticas que se abriram nos vários espaços para construir políticas públicas, com base em relações de cooperação com o Estado, que se tornaram efetivas e contribuíram para melhorar a vida dos agricultores familiares. A terceira é que o sindicalismo rural e a segurança alimentar e nutricional se constituíram com trajetórias e relações estanques entre si e com o Estado. Este, em boa medida, segue adotando políticas públicas setorializadas no espaço rural e submete as organizações sociais à mesma lógica na sua execução. A quarta é que, apesar de diversas iniciativas de políticas públicas incrementadas pela Fetraf-Sul e suas organizações filiadas, especialmente pelas mulheres agricultoras familiares, a SAN não se constituiu em prioridade política em sua agenda, nem recebeu atenção acentuada por parte de suas estruturas sindicais. Ademais, a partir de 2012 a cooperação nas políticas de SAN enfraqueceu nas duas esferas de governo e se tornou mais conflituosa, sobretudo devido às mudanças na operacionalização do PAA em âmbito federal e de governo em Constantina A quinta evidencia que ocorreram mudanças na profissionalização de dirigentes e da equipe técnica, na passagem de processos de formação para projetos de capacitação, na moderação do discurso da Fetraf, na ampliação de suas estruturas organizativas e na criação de organizações específicas para responder às novas exigências decorrentes de sua inserção na formulação e execução de políticas públicas. / The overall objective of this thesis was to comprehend the changes that occurred within social organizations of family farming, as Fetraf-Sul, due to its participation in formulating and implementing public policies for food and nutrition security (SAN). In order to accomplish this goal, theoretical approaches of Contentious Politics and Actor Perspective were used. The investigation was characterized as a case study and it favored a qualitative approach, supported by a quantitative approach. Two units of analysis were chosen, one in Brasília, in the Federal District, and another one in Constantina municipality, in Rio Grande do Sul. Semi-structured interviews were the main technique used for data collecting, through 63 keyinformants, complemented by a field diary, participant observation and secondary data collection from public institutions records, entities and organizations. The background thesis of this research is that the definition of forms of organizations and action, movement strategies, social organizations is, partly, structured based on how the relationship between actors and political-administrative institutions is built. These forms can be explained, in some measure, because of its relational insertion in which the relationship with the State is central. In this sense, the change of relations based chiefly on confrontation to relations based chiefly on conflicting cooperation has provided and, sometimes, demanded important changes in the organization and action of Fetraf-Sul. The main results of the investigation were organized into five conclusions The first one is that the analysis of the insertion of Fetraf-Sul in public policies led to a theoretical result shown in the arrangement of a new pattern of relationship between the State and social movements and organizations, specially expressed in the cooperation to develop public policies and their qualified implementation in social organizations. The second one emphasizes that Fetraf-Sul took political opportunities that were present in many areas in order to build public policies which, based on cooperative relations with the State, became effective and contributed to improve the life of family farmers. The third one is that rural unionism and food and nutrition security have been constituted through trajectories and tight relations with each other and the State. This, largely, keeps adopting sectorial public policies in rural areas and submits social organizations to the same implementation. The fourth one states that, despite diverse initiatives incremented by Fetraf-Sul and its affiliated organizations in public policies, mostly by women farmers, SAN has not been constituted with political priority in its agenda, not even has received special attention by union structures. Furthermore, since 2012 cooperation in the policies of SAN has weakened in the two levels of government and has become more conflicting, mainly because of the changes in the operationalization of PAA in the federal and governmental scope of Constantina The fifth one shows that changes have occurred in the professionalization of managers and technical staff, in making formation processes into qualification projects, in the moderation of the discourse of Fetraf, in the expansion of its organizational structures and in the development of specific organizations for the purpose of responding to new demands resulting from its insertion in the formulation and implementation of public policies.

O objetivo geral desta tese foi compreender as mudanças ocorridas no interior de organizações sociais da agricultura familiar, como a Fetraf-Sul, em virtude de sua participação na formulação e implantação de políticas públicas de segurança alimentar e nutricional (SAN). Para concretizar os objetivos foram utilizados os enfoques teóricos da Contentious Politics e da Perspectiva Orientada ao Ator. A investigação se caracterizou por ser um estudo de caso e privilegiou a abordagem qualitativa, auxiliada pela quantitativa. Optou-se por duas unidades de análise, sendo uma em Brasília, Distrito Federal, e outra no município de Constantina, no Rio Grande do Sul. As entrevistas semiestruturadas foram a principal técnica de coleta de dados, mediante entrevistas de 63 informantes-chave, complementadas com diário de campo, observação participante e dados secundários de acervos de instituições públicas, entidades e organizações sociais. A tese de fundo desta pesquisa é que a definição das formas de organização e ação e das estratégias dos movimentos e organizações sociais é, em parte, estruturada em função da forma como se configuram as relações com os atores e instituições político-administrativas. Essas formas se explicam, parcialmente, por sua inserção relacional na qual as relações com o Estado são centrais. Neste sentido, a mudança de relações baseadas, centralmente, no confronto para relações baseadas, centralmente, na cooperação conflituosa oportunizou e, por vezes, demandou transformações importantes na organização e na atuação da Fetraf-Sul Os principais resultados da investigação são organizados em cinco conclusões. A primeira é que a análise da inserção da Fetraf-Sul nas políticas públicas levou ao resultado teórico explicitado na conformação de um novo padrão de relações entre o Estado e os movimentos e organizações sociais, sobretudo, expresso na cooperação por formulação de políticas públicas e na sua execução qualificada por parte das organizações sociais. A segunda realça que a Fetraf-Sul aproveitou as oportunidades políticas que se abriram nos vários espaços para construir políticas públicas, com base em relações de cooperação com o Estado, que se tornaram efetivas e contribuíram para melhorar a vida dos agricultores familiares. A terceira é que o sindicalismo rural e a segurança alimentar e nutricional se constituíram com trajetórias e relações estanques entre si e com o Estado. Este, em boa medida, segue adotando políticas públicas setorializadas no espaço rural e submete as organizações sociais à mesma lógica na sua execução. A quarta é que, apesar de diversas iniciativas de políticas públicas incrementadas pela Fetraf-Sul e suas organizações filiadas, especialmente pelas mulheres agricultoras familiares, a SAN não se constituiu em prioridade política em sua agenda, nem recebeu atenção acentuada por parte de suas estruturas sindicais. Ademais, a partir de 2012 a cooperação nas políticas de SAN enfraqueceu nas duas esferas de governo e se tornou mais conflituosa, sobretudo devido às mudanças na operacionalização do PAA em âmbito federal e de governo em Constantina A quinta evidencia que ocorreram mudanças na profissionalização de dirigentes e da equipe técnica, na passagem de processos de formação para projetos de capacitação, na moderação do discurso da Fetraf, na ampliação de suas estruturas organizativas e na criação de organizações específicas para responder às novas exigências decorrentes de sua inserção na formulação e execução de políticas públicas. / The overall objective of this thesis was to comprehend the changes that occurred within social organizations of family farming, as Fetraf-Sul, due to its participation in formulating and implementing public policies for food and nutrition security (SAN). In order to accomplish this goal, theoretical approaches of Contentious Politics and Actor Perspective were used. The investigation was characterized as a case study and it favored a qualitative approach, supported by a quantitative approach. Two units of analysis were chosen, one in Brasília, in the Federal District, and another one in Constantina municipality, in Rio Grande do Sul. Semi-structured interviews were the main technique used for data collecting, through 63 keyinformants, complemented by a field diary, participant observation and secondary data collection from public institutions records, entities and organizations. The background thesis of this research is that the definition of forms of organizations and action, movement strategies, social organizations is, partly, structured based on how the relationship between actors and political-administrative institutions is built. These forms can be explained, in some measure, because of its relational insertion in which the relationship with the State is central. In this sense, the change of relations based chiefly on confrontation to relations based chiefly on conflicting cooperation has provided and, sometimes, demanded important changes in the organization and action of Fetraf-Sul. The main results of the investigation were organized into five conclusions The first one is that the analysis of the insertion of Fetraf-Sul in public policies led to a theoretical result shown in the arrangement of a new pattern of relationship between the State and social movements and organizations, specially expressed in the cooperation to develop public policies and their qualified implementation in social organizations. The second one emphasizes that Fetraf-Sul took political opportunities that were present in many areas in order to build public policies which, based on cooperative relations with the State, became effective and contributed to improve the life of family farmers. The third one is that rural unionism and food and nutrition security have been constituted through trajectories and tight relations with each other and the State. This, largely, keeps adopting sectorial public policies in rural areas and submits social organizations to the same implementation. The fourth one states that, despite diverse initiatives incremented by Fetraf-Sul and its affiliated organizations in public policies, mostly by women farmers, SAN has not been constituted with political priority in its agenda, not even has received special attention by union structures. Furthermore, since 2012 cooperation in the policies of SAN has weakened in the two levels of government and has become more conflicting, mainly because of the changes in the operationalization of PAA in the federal and governmental scope of Constantina The fifth one shows that changes have occurred in the professionalization of managers and technical staff, in making formation processes into qualification projects, in the moderation of the discourse of Fetraf, in the expansion of its organizational structures and in the development of specific organizations for the purpose of responding to new demands resulting from its insertion in the formulation and implementation of public policies.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation is focused on the study of careers of black movement s militants whose political commitment presents the following features: a simultaneous involvement with both political parties and the black movement; a full-time dedication to militancy, and; the filling of state positions in left-wing governments. The main questions of the work are the grasp of the social resources required for filling governmental posts as well as the understanding of the historical, social, and cultural policies that gave rise to that pattern of political activism in the Brazilian State of Sergipe. The theoretical and methodological orientation of the research combined a set of analytical schemes borrowed from the sociology of social movements and the sociology of activism, using notions such as structure of political opportunities, processes of political involvement and social networks. The results show that there are some favorable conditions for the emergence of the pattern of political involvement and militancy at stake: the political detente and the end of the military rule in Brazil, the pressure of both international organizations and the Brazilian black movement over the State, and the rise of political allies within the federal government. As to the features of those militants who held state positions, the works highlights the centrality of a militant capital gathered over within the networks of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) and the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PcdoB), and also within the black movement. / Esta dissertação tem por objeto o estudo de carreiras de militantes do movimento negro cujo engajamento caracteriza-se pela militância simultânea em partidos políticos, pela dedicação exclusiva à militância e pela ocupação de cargos em administrações de esquerda. A questão central do trabalho consistiu em apreender o conjunto de recursos para a ocupação daqueles cargos, bem como as condições históricas, sociais, culturais e políticas que permitiram o surgimento de tal modalidade de militância política no estado de Sergipe. A pesquisa teve como orientação teórico-metodológica um conjunto de esquemas analíticos que combinam pressupostos da sociologia dos movimentos sociais e sociologia da militância, tais como estrutura de oportunidades políticas, processos de engajamento individual e redes sociais. Os resultados apontam algumas condições favoráveis para o surgimento do padrão de engajamento analisado, a saber, a abertura política no final do regime militar, a pressão de organizações internacionais e do movimento negro no Brasil sobre o Estado e a ascensão de aliados políticos ao governo federal. Em relação aos recursos mobilizados para a ocupação dos cargos, observa-se a centralidade de um capital militante acumulado nas redes do Partido dos Trabalhadores e do Partido Comunista do Brasil e dentro do próprio movimento negro. .

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Selon les théories classiques du pouvoir, les relations asymétriques favorisent généralement l’acteur le plus puissant en termes de ressources. Toutefois, la partie la plus puissante au niveau de la force et des ressources ne gagne pas toujours dans les négociations. Cela dépend de plusieurs facteurs et notamment des tactiques de négociation de la partie la plus faible. Notre thèse vise justement à analyser un certain nombre de stratégies de négociations que peuvent mener les parties les plus faibles pour obtenir des gains. Afin d’illustrer nos propos, nous avons choisi l’exemple donné par un certain nombre de pays en voie de développement (PVD) pour contester le brevet sur le vivant contenu dans l’Accord sur les aspects des droits de la propriété intellectuelle (ADPIC). Notre objectif a été de comprendre les principales stratégies qu’ils ont employées pour remettre en question cette norme et la rééquilibrer. Afin de réaliser ce travail, nous nous sommes servis du concept d’hégémonie de Gramsci et de cadre emprunté à la littérature des mouvements sociaux. Cela nous a permis de poser l’hypothèse selon laquelle l’Accord sur les ADPIC constitue une norme hégémonique qui avantage essentiellement quelques pays développés et des entreprises internationales. Cependant, cette domination se cache derrière un discours universel et positif visant à susciter une forte adhésion. Ainsi, dans un tel cas de figure, les PVD ne peuvent pas espérer la remettre en question sans un changement de perception. Il faut donc que les règles perçues comme justes et immuables soient cadrées comme injustes et mutables, pour que les pays décident de les contester. Nous avons alors testé cette hypothèse à travers une analyse de contenu du discours officiel des PVD à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce. Ce travail nous a permis d’observer que le cadrage est un instrument important pour lutter contre l’hégémonie d’une norme. En effet, il offre la faculté de montrer que le brevet sur le vivant, loin de présenter que des avantages, est aussi une source de problèmes auxquels il faut apporter des solutions. Le cadre constitue aussi un bon moyen pour élaborer des propositions normatives alternatives. Toutefois, nous avons constaté que cette stratégie est insuffisante pour traduire les propositions des PVD en normes contraignantes. Afin d’obtenir certains changements normatifs, l’élaboration de coalitions s’avère particulièrement pertinente pour les PVD. De même, nous avons noté que les PVD qui demandent des changements normatifs quand la structure des opportunités politiques est ouverte ont plus de chance d’obtenir satisfaction de leurs revendications. La présente thèse nous offre ainsi un portrait général de stratégies de négociation et démontre que sous certaines conditions les parties les plus faibles peuvent obtenir certains gains dans une négociation asymétrique. / According to the classical theories of power, asymmetrical relations generally favor the most powerful actor in terms of resources. However, the most powerful in terms of strength and resources part does not always win in negotiations. This depends on several factors, including negotiation tactics of the weaker party. Our thesis aims to analyze different type of negotiation strategies that weaker parties can use to obtain some benefit. To illustrate this point, we chose the example set by a number of developing countries (DV) to challenge the patenting of life contained in the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS). Our goal was to understand the key strategies they have used to question this norm and rebalance it. To make this work, we used the concept of hegemony conceptualized by Gramsci and the concept of framework borrowed from the literature of social movements. This tool has allowed us to make the assumption that TRIPS is a hegemonic norm that mainly benefit to few developed countries and international companies. However, this domination is hidden by the norms thanks to universal and positive discourse which help to generate strong adhesion. Thus, in such a case, developing countries can’t expect to challenge this norm without a change of perception. It is therefore necessary that the rules perceived as fair and immutable are framed as unjust and mutable, so that countries decide to challenge it. We then tested this hypothesis through a content analysis of the DC’s official discourse at the World Trade Organization. This work has allowed us to observe that the framing is an important tool in the fight against the norm’s hegemony. Indeed, it offers the possibility to show that the patenting of life, far from presenting just a source of benefits, is also a source of problems that need solutions. The frame is also a good way to develop alternative normative propositions. However, we found that this strategy is insufficient to translate DC’s proposals into binding norms. In order to obtain changes in the agreement, building coalitions is particularly relevant for DC. Furthermore, we noted that DC which require regulatory changes when the structure of political opportunities is opened are more likely to obtain what they want. This thesis offers us a general picture of negotiations strategies and reveal that under certain conditions the weaker parties can get some gains in an asymmetrical negotiation.

This study investigates the use of violence by Salafi-Oriented Movement Organisations. Drawing mostly from Social Movement Theory’s “political opportunity” and “resource mobilisation” thesis, it uses the Northern Nigerian-born Boko Haram (BH) to study how such organisation evolved and used different forms of violent activisms for goal attainment. On that basis, three main research questions were formulated: (1) What socio-political structures enabled the evolution of the organisation in Northern Nigeria? (2) Under what conditions did BH begin to use armed violence against the Nigerian State? (3) What specific forms of armed violence did BH use and how were such forms of strategy sustained within the organisation? In answering these questions, the study relied on data collected through one-on-one semi-structured interviews from religious leaders in Northern Nigeria (particularly those within the Salafi networks); selected politicians in the areas where the group operates; some Nigerian security personnel, and on focus group interviews from victims of BH violence. In addition, the study also drew from other documentary sources (videos and audio recordings from different leaders in the group), and from internal correspondence between BH leaders and those of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb. Along the primary data, these documentary sources showed a striking historical continuity about the emergence and activities of BH from inception, up until they began using violence as a means for goal attainment. The data showed that while the emergence of the group was dependent on specific Northern Nigerian socio-political and mobilisatory structures, the adoption and sustenance of different forms of violence in the group were re-enforced by the interactions between the group’s leadership and the Borno state government; the violent response of the Nigerian government to the group's initial anti-state rhetoric; the mobilisation of different material resources (accruing from the organisation’s interactions and collaborations with similar international Salafi networks) and the internal dynamics in the group (competition between the different factions in the organisation). These inter-related conditions provided the windows of opportunity upon which both the establishment of the group, as well as the internal logic for the development and justification of different forms of violence were sustained within the organisation. / Religious Studies and Arabic / D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)