La problématique de cette thèse s'articule autour de deux questions centrales, lesquelles ont servi de fil conducteur pour la recherche menée. La première question interroge le sens que prend la migration quand elle nous concerne en tant que résidents d’un quartier, citoyens d’une ville et nationaux d’un pays. La deuxième question est de savoir comment on parvient à ces moments pendant lesquels les germes d’une sorte de transformation sociale s'enracinent dans la vie politique. Notre travail s’inscrit dans une approche qui regarde dans la migration ces occasions de subjectivation civique et politique et ces émergences de types d’engagements politiques dans le quotidien. Notre intérêt porte plus précisément sur ce que produisent les différentes négociations qui ont lieu dans ce que nous nommerons « paysages d’attribution » vis-à-vis de l’immigration et ce que l’on regarde comme géographie du vécu de celle-ci. Il s’agit de négociations qui se font entre les pouvoirs qui dictent les politiques et les pratiques liées aux migrations, les autorités et autres instances qui recourent à ces politiques et pratiques, les expériences que font les migrants au contact de ces réalités vécues et les engagements des citoyens par rapport à elles. C’est à travers ces négociations que nous tentons de lier ensemble les deux questions présentées plus haut, dans le cas grec. Pour ce faire, notre recherche mobilise des outils de la géographie sociale, des sciences politiques, des ressources anthropologiques et littéraires, et de la philosophie politique / The issue raised on this thesis revolves around two central questions, which have guided the research. The first question investigates the meaning that migration takes when it becomes an issue that concerns us in our daily encounters as residents of a neighborhood, citizens of a city, nationals of a country. The second question investigates how we arrive at those moments during which the seeds of social transformation take root in political life. The research explores these questions by looking into migration processes as creative of opportunities for civic and political subjectivity in the everyday life and through the different encounters with the locals. More precisely, the thesis focuses on the various negotiations that take place in what is called "landscapes of attribution", which is related to the policies and practices of migration and the way migrants experience them through the different strategies of survival. These are negotiations between those that dictate policies and practices related to migration, the authorities and other bodies that implement these policies and practices, the migrants and the way they experience these policies on their everyday encounters with other citizens in local communities. They are also negotiations that produce proximities with local communities and create new spaces of commons. By looking into such negotiations in the Greek case, the thesis links together the two questions presented above. It does so by using tools from social geography, political science, anthropological and literary resources, and political philosophy

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2017-04-27T15:08:34Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) 2016_Mendonça.pdf: 5458736 bytes, checksum: b1070c180d93a643f3caa9c49682e907 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-27T15:08:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) 2016_Mendonça.pdf: 5458736 bytes, checksum: b1070c180d93a643f3caa9c49682e907 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-11-29 / FACEPE / Em um contexto de criminalização da juventude pobre, assistimos a oferta de projetos sociais, governamentais e não-governamentais, voltados a essa parcela da população. Propõem, entre seus objetivos, estimular a formação e participação juvenil, defendendo serem estas ações determinantes à transformação de realidades. Mas quais suas reverberações subjetivas? Ampliando a noção de participação para além dos espaços tradicionalmente reconhecidos, advogamos por um sentido de participação política que se expressa no cotidiano, promovendo ações em torno do bem comum, com respeito aos dissensos e conflitos, com reconhecimento e valorização da alteridade, manifestação de pensamento crítico e resistência a práticas instituídas e cristalizadas, o que viemos chamando de modos de subjetivação política. Através de entrevistas e da observação participante em eventos de formação política realizados com jovens lideranças de movimentos sociais que se denominavam militantes, o estudo teve como objetivo analisar modos e expressões de subjetivação política a partir da relação entre jovens, movimentos sociais e coletivos juvenis. A pesquisa revelou construções e expressões de subjetivação política que são dinâmicas, que se reconstroem frente a cenários, situações e personagens. Ainda, que tais construções se dão independente à vida militante, embora este contexto potencialize tal modo de subjetivar-se. Os modos de subjetivação política também não estão condicionados a habilidades de performances políticas, tais como oratória, retórica ou perfil de liderança, e se manifestam no cotidiano por meio de posicionamentos na direção do coletivo e também da revisão de si. O estudo revela, enfim, que os modos de subjetivação política dos jovens interlocutores tem lugar privilegiado de construção e reconstrução em espaços políticos de adesão, como o são os movimentos sociais. No entanto, é a partir de políticas de transformação assumidas na vida cotidiana que melhor se expressa a potência do sujeito político. / In a criminalization context of poor youth, we have seen the offer of social projects, governmental and non-governmental, aimed at this portion of the population. It proposes, among its objectives, to encourage training and young participation, defending that these actions are decisive to transform realities. But what their subjective reverberations? Extending the notion of participation beyond the areas traditionally recognized, we advocate for a sense of political participation that is expressed in daily life, promoting actions around the common good, respecting disagreements and conflicts, with recognition and appreciation of otherness, expression of critical thought and resistance to established and crystallized practices, which we call political subjectivity. Through interviews and participant observation in political training events held with young leaders of social movements, called militants, the study aimed to examine ways and expressions of political subjectivity from the relationship between youth, social movements and youth groups. The survey revealed constructions and expressions of political subjectivity that are dynamic, which reconstruct itself front to the scenarios, situations and characters. Still those constructions are given independent of militant life, although this context empowers this mode of subjectivity. The political subjectivity is also not related to political performance skills such as oratory, rhetoric or leadership profile, and manifests itself in daily life through positions in the direction of the collective as well as the review itself. The study reveals, finally, that the political subjectivity of young interlocutors has a privileged place of construction and reconstruction in political spaces of adhesion, as are the social movements. However, it is from the transformation policies assumed in everyday life that best is expresses the power of the political subject.

This dissertation considers the case of the Mesoamerican People’s Forum (MPF), a Central American ‘cousin’ of the World Social Forum, and manifestation of the Global Justice Movement. It argues that the MPF cannot be adequately understood as a transnational social movement or as an ‘open space.’ Rather, it is best understood as a political playing field on which the leaders of locally rooted social movements contested the future of the Central American left within an uncertain and changing political context. Based on extensive ethnographic field work and grounded analysis, it argues that well-placed actors within forum spaces can best be thought of as ‘mediators’ between state and society. The emergence of de facto federated governance structures in Central America, plus weak democratic institutions, have placed new pressures on mediators. Leaders within the Central American left find that they need to build up and/or maintain power bases to shield their positions within an uncertain political environment. They mobilize people to participate in transnational forum spaces because of the legitimating benefits, but shape networked flows within these spaces to limit the potential for networking to erode established positions. Thus I conclude that openness is neither the condition nor the objective of social forums, but rather a pawn strategically deployed or retracted in the course of networked interactions. The work advances thinking about the nature of collective political subjectivity in an era of transformationalist globalization. It also argues in favor of critical realist perspectives on collectivization in a post-development, globalizing world. Specifically, scholars can best advance an ‘epistemology of the south’ by promoting and protecting cognitive justice, which in turn can be achieved through the use of realist approaches that serve to uncover the practices of power at work within networked spaces.

This dissertation considers the case of the Mesoamerican People’s Forum (MPF), a Central American ‘cousin’ of the World Social Forum, and manifestation of the Global Justice Movement. It argues that the MPF cannot be adequately understood as a transnational social movement or as an ‘open space.’ Rather, it is best understood as a political playing field on which the leaders of locally rooted social movements contested the future of the Central American left within an uncertain and changing political context. Based on extensive ethnographic field work and grounded analysis, it argues that well-placed actors within forum spaces can best be thought of as ‘mediators’ between state and society. The emergence of de facto federated governance structures in Central America, plus weak democratic institutions, have placed new pressures on mediators. Leaders within the Central American left find that they need to build up and/or maintain power bases to shield their positions within an uncertain political environment. They mobilize people to participate in transnational forum spaces because of the legitimating benefits, but shape networked flows within these spaces to limit the potential for networking to erode established positions. Thus I conclude that openness is neither the condition nor the objective of social forums, but rather a pawn strategically deployed or retracted in the course of networked interactions. The work advances thinking about the nature of collective political subjectivity in an era of transformationalist globalization. It also argues in favor of critical realist perspectives on collectivization in a post-development, globalizing world. Specifically, scholars can best advance an ‘epistemology of the south’ by promoting and protecting cognitive justice, which in turn can be achieved through the use of realist approaches that serve to uncover the practices of power at work within networked spaces.

This dissertation explores politico-symbolic deployments of death in figurations of national identity and sovereignty in the Kurdish conflict in Turkey. Many Kurds have died in their successive rebellions over the last century. However, biological death has not necessarily excluded them from Kurdish culture and politics. Rather, through a symbolic economy of “gift” the Kurds resurrect their dead as martyrs – affective forces that powerfully shape public, political and daily life and promote Kurdish national identity as a sacred communion of the dead and the living. For its own part, the Turkish state has been endeavoring to eradicate this persistent power of the Kurdish dead by obstructing their appropriation and assimilation into the regenerative realms of Kurdish national-symbolic. While these struggles are still in effect, with the shift in Kurdish politics away from the original goal of national independence in 1999, the Kurdish dead emerged as a site of contention also among the Kurds. At least until 2005 the place of the dead in Kurdish politics also shifted with a new politics of memory that the leadership of Kurdish movement initiated to buttress the “peace process”. Based on two-year fieldwork in Diyarbakır, the informal capital of Kurds in Turkey, this study explores the Kurdish political imaginaries and subjectivities that are generated in and through these multiple struggles and contentions over the Kurdish dead, situating death as a central symbolic and semantic field constitutive to national identity and sovereignty. This study contributes to the ethnography of the Kurds, Turkey and the Middle East as well as theories of death, the body, nationalism, sovereignty and political subjectivity. / text

This thesis will undertake a study of contemporary political subjectivity by investigating the manifestations of various pathea found in contemporary politics. In examining how political impotence and indifference are cultivated through (neo)liberal subject formation, it argues that contemporary neoliberal subjectivity is constituted through the pathos of distance found in the gap between the impotent liberal subject and the imaginary, universal ideal subject articulated by liberalism. Through close readings of Wendy Brown’s writings, I explore her work and engage with her formulations of contemporary political subjectivity. Specifically, I will analyze the impotent subject constituted by the pathos of ressentiment, the vulnerable subject constituted by the pathos of walling, and the tolerated subject constituted by the pathos of difference in order to trace the relationships between the various pathea and the subjectivities that they construct. / Graduate / 0615

Masters of Art / This thesis explores the shifting racial identification and politics of the emerging Jewish community in Southern Africa between the Anglo-Boer War in 1902 and the Union of South Africa in 1910. Through an investigation of their actions and thoughts on the cultural, economic, linguistic and political aspects of their lives, I show how the emerging Jewish community formed itself through the political subjectivity of White settlers. Understanding how racial categories were being amalgamated and partitioned in that period of state formation, I argue that the mainstream Jewish community colluded with the colonial state to join into the ‘unity of the White races’. I use Memmi’s (1967 [1957], pp. 19,45) analytic distinction between ‘coloniser’ – a European on African land - and ‘colonialist’ – a coloniser who supports colonialism and believes in its legitimacy - to examine how the process of subject formation is articulated through the political economy of racial capitalism and settler colonialism. When Jews from Eastern Europe (Yidn) began arriving in South Africa in the 1880s, they faced a settler population which simultaneously treated them as members of an undifferentiated European settler population, as candidates for assimilation into colonial Whiteness, and as dirty subjects under threat of colonial state violence. Though there were other possible responses to the colonial relationship that Yidn could have taken, such as linking the fight against antisemitism with other anti-racist and anti-colonial struggles, the community went through a process of colonialist refashioning. To understand this transformation, I focus on four aspects of life. Culturally, Yidn were classed as dirty subjects and Jewish communal institutions worked with the state to ‘clean’, i.e. ‘Whiten’ them up. Economically, Jews of all class positions learnt the exploitative practices of settlers in racial capitalism. Linguistically, Yiddish became classified as a European language by utilising racial hierarchies. And politically, Yidn became citizens by embracing the ideology of a White-only franchise. Focussing in on these processes of assimilation into power, I argue that the primary Jewish communal institutions embraced and internally enforced a colonialist political subjectivity. This thesis is based on archival research conducted in three archives in Cape Town carried out between February and May 2019, and extensive reading of previous historical studies to write a new narrative from previously known sources.

京都大学 / 0048 / 新制・課程博士 / 博士(地域研究) / 甲第21198号 / 地博第227号 / 新制||地||84(附属図書館) / 京都大学大学院アジア・アフリカ地域研究研究科東南アジア地域研究専攻 / (主査)教授 岡本 正明, 教授 石川 登, 教授 藤倉 達郎 / 学位規則第4条第1項該当 / Doctor of Area Studies / Kyoto University / DGAM

Não é simples definir um campo de análise do qual partir quando se fala do encontro entre estética e política na atualidade, uma vez que essa relação se dissemina de formas bastante diversas. A produção de espaços de convivência entre movimentos sociais e artísticos, de ações interventivas, de imagens, são formas que se sobrepõem e vão compondo todo um complexo campo de criação. Existem entradas (e saídas) diversas para esse problema, nesse sentido esta pesquisa busca exercitar e pôr à prova uma multiplicidade de abordagens, a fim de construir um pensamento a respeito das potências estéticas e políticas que emergem deste encontro. Nas situações que embasam o pensamento construído na tese, apesar de muito diferentes, há uma relação entre discussões que põem em xeque modos de existência hegemônicos - uma certa relação com o próprio corpo, a arte, a política e com a crença do que \"é cidade\", dentre outras questões -, e o ato de criar inteligibilidade para esses problemas: como fazer circular a densidade de uma relação outra com a vida? Como captar isso de forma que as sensibilidades insurgentes passem a configurar a imaginação coletiva? No esforço de esboçar uma resposta para estas questões, reuniu-se autores de diversos campos, coletivos provenientes de diferentes países, movimentos sociais diversos, evidenciando estratégias, modos, valores, processos que se multiplicam em razão da urgência em expressar o que é, contemporaneamente, \"fazer política\" e o quanto a potência desse fazer é indissociável da dimensão estética. / It is not simple to define a field of analysis to which to resort when the subject is the encounter of aesthetics and politics in current days, given that this relationship is disseminated in many various ways. The creation of spaces for interaction between social and artistic movements, of interventional actions and images are forms that overlap one another and constitute a rather complex field of creation. There are several ways into (and out of) this problem; in that regard, this research aims to apply and challenge many different approaches in order to build a line of thought about the political and aesthetical powers that emerge from that encounter. The situations that ground the thought process developed in this thesis may be diverse, but they show a correlation between the discussions that put in check the hegemonic ways of existence--a certain relationship connecting the body itself, art, politics, and the belief in \"what is city,\" among other issues--and the act of creating intelligibility for these problems: how to promote the circulation of the substance produced by a divergent relationship with life, and how to capture this so the insurgent sensibilities can compose a collective imagination? In the effort to draft an answer to these questions, authors from several fields, collectives from many countries, and various social movements were gathered, presenting strategies, methods, values, and processes that become more and more numerous due to the urgency of expressing what \"doing politics\" means in the present day, and how inseparable that power is from the aesthetic dimension.

Não é simples definir um campo de análise do qual partir quando se fala do encontro entre estética e política na atualidade, uma vez que essa relação se dissemina de formas bastante diversas. A produção de espaços de convivência entre movimentos sociais e artísticos, de ações interventivas, de imagens, são formas que se sobrepõem e vão compondo todo um complexo campo de criação. Existem entradas (e saídas) diversas para esse problema, nesse sentido esta pesquisa busca exercitar e pôr à prova uma multiplicidade de abordagens, a fim de construir um pensamento a respeito das potências estéticas e políticas que emergem deste encontro. Nas situações que embasam o pensamento construído na tese, apesar de muito diferentes, há uma relação entre discussões que põem em xeque modos de existência hegemônicos - uma certa relação com o próprio corpo, a arte, a política e com a crença do que \"é cidade\", dentre outras questões -, e o ato de criar inteligibilidade para esses problemas: como fazer circular a densidade de uma relação outra com a vida? Como captar isso de forma que as sensibilidades insurgentes passem a configurar a imaginação coletiva? No esforço de esboçar uma resposta para estas questões, reuniu-se autores de diversos campos, coletivos provenientes de diferentes países, movimentos sociais diversos, evidenciando estratégias, modos, valores, processos que se multiplicam em razão da urgência em expressar o que é, contemporaneamente, \"fazer política\" e o quanto a potência desse fazer é indissociável da dimensão estética. / It is not simple to define a field of analysis to which to resort when the subject is the encounter of aesthetics and politics in current days, given that this relationship is disseminated in many various ways. The creation of spaces for interaction between social and artistic movements, of interventional actions and images are forms that overlap one another and constitute a rather complex field of creation. There are several ways into (and out of) this problem; in that regard, this research aims to apply and challenge many different approaches in order to build a line of thought about the political and aesthetical powers that emerge from that encounter. The situations that ground the thought process developed in this thesis may be diverse, but they show a correlation between the discussions that put in check the hegemonic ways of existence--a certain relationship connecting the body itself, art, politics, and the belief in \"what is city,\" among other issues--and the act of creating intelligibility for these problems: how to promote the circulation of the substance produced by a divergent relationship with life, and how to capture this so the insurgent sensibilities can compose a collective imagination? In the effort to draft an answer to these questions, authors from several fields, collectives from many countries, and various social movements were gathered, presenting strategies, methods, values, and processes that become more and more numerous due to the urgency of expressing what \"doing politics\" means in the present day, and how inseparable that power is from the aesthetic dimension.