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Sweden is often considered to be one of the world's most tolerant countries. This is often illustrated by questions surrounding religious expression, such as if it should be tolerated to have a veil on when working in healthcare or schools? At the same time, we can see current examples of decreasing tolerance in some parts of Europe and the world. The Hungarian Government has annulled gender studies on the basis that we are born either as women or men. Meanwhile we ask ourselves in Sweden whether parties that advocate a racial war will have right to demonstrate on our streets. In this way, tolerance seems to be linked to the contradiction that exists within democracy between the will of the people and the individual. Between those which may be included, and those which cannot be included at all - the excluded. Because democracy always needs to draw a line and this line is today redrawn in the name of tolerance. This essay aims to investigate and problematize rhetoric’s relation to politics and democracy based on tolerance as a concept. This purpose leads to three key questions: 1. What role do the Scandinavian rhetoric researchers give the rhetoric in relation to politics and democracy? 2. How can we understand tolerance and its function for and within the democracy? 3. What could be an alternative role for rhetoric beyond tolerance? The essay therefore contains a survey of the Scandinavian researchers in rhetoric and their views on the role of rhetoric in politics. It also contains a problematization of tolerance extracted from the work of Wendy Brown and Slavoj Žižek. The essay concludes that rhetoric research in Scandinavia is based on the intention to create more tolerance. It also comes to the conclusion that tolerance as a political discourse works depoliticizing. The essay’s contribution to rhetorical science therefore comes in the form of another perspective providing an alternative role for rhetoric in democracy. Here it is not based on morality but on what we should call the political. That is, rhetoric may act in the intersections between the dichotomies – politics / the political, democracy / dictatorship, descriptive / normative – in order to see the various symptoms and the lack that exist in society and in the system.

This thesis will undertake a study of contemporary political subjectivity by investigating the manifestations of various pathea found in contemporary politics. In examining how political impotence and indifference are cultivated through (neo)liberal subject formation, it argues that contemporary neoliberal subjectivity is constituted through the pathos of distance found in the gap between the impotent liberal subject and the imaginary, universal ideal subject articulated by liberalism. Through close readings of Wendy Brown’s writings, I explore her work and engage with her formulations of contemporary political subjectivity. Specifically, I will analyze the impotent subject constituted by the pathos of ressentiment, the vulnerable subject constituted by the pathos of walling, and the tolerated subject constituted by the pathos of difference in order to trace the relationships between the various pathea and the subjectivities that they construct. / Graduate / 0615

This thesis examines the way that subversivity is produced in relation to the name of the author, as understood by Foucault, and what potential for ressistance that can be glimpsed there. This from the reading of three text that in different ways relate to that theme. Firstly, throught the reading of "Isis mamma är genusvetare, skribent och konstnär, min mamma är f.d. städerska, kokerska och dagisfröken, numera förtidspensionär med diagnosen fibromyalgi" by Lidija Praizović, a text that actively work with the internal production of different exteriorities. The text uses these exteriorities, both to commit the violation needed in order to establish it's perspective toward a capitalist publicity, and to anticipate the response and argument towards the text in the same publicity. The becoming of the proletarian class awereness is in the text partly formed in terms of origin and political ressentiment. But when used in litterature the analysis show that they produce subversive collective assemblies and question the border of political discourse. The way we become subjects in submission in terms of being bodies, irrational, specific in relation to a liberal sphere that produces the superior as invisible and bodyless, can establish it's pespective as human and universal when turned into literature. Throughout this processes the proletarian position is produced as an instance of power both internal to the text and pointing outwards, from the text. The analysis futher shows how conventions that regulate the spreading of discourse through the name of the author in capitalism, can be used to circulate experiences of submission that has the formation of collective assemblies as their potential. A process that is directly related to the post-­‐fordist capitalisms needs for new forms of life in order to reproduce. The two other texts, "Nej, man har inte rätt att skriva vad man vill" by Lyra Ekström Lindbäck, and "I huvudet på Lidija Praizović" by Tove Folkesson, was produceed as a reaction to the first texts apperance in the public sphere. The first one is critical to the text and the name, but is still making claims on a subversive position. The reading of it shows that the making of that claim, in relation to the need to produce ones own name as an author name in community with the liberal public sphere, results in a blocking of the subversive potential and a reduction of the subversive to only a marker on the name. A reaction that is in turn foreseen by the first text in it's working with the anticipation of readers responce. The reading of the second text shows how, throught the production of a complete affinity with the exteriority that is the athor name of Lidija Praizović, the potentially dangerous class position is reduced and disarmed. That occurs partly throught a reduction of the class position to aspects that only allows political ressentiment and loneliness. This turns the subversivity and the violation associated with the name of Lidija Praizović to functions for the name of Tove Folkesson. Something that in turn shows not only the potential of using these aspects of political becomings as grounds for building something that goes beyond them, but also the dangers of it. Both texts can therefore be seen as two different attempts to block the spreading of the subversive by using it solely to produce the name of the author.

Studien undersöker relationen mellan skapandet av arpilleras och erfarenheten av exil utifrån konstnären Cecilia Valdés och den politiska och konstnärliga organisationen Salvador Allende-kommitténs ateljé. I relation till exil behandlar frågeställningarna följande ämnen: motivval, skapandets syfte för individen i exil och exilens påverkan på den skapande erfarenheten. I uppsatsens inledning presenteras undersökningens syfte och frågeställningar, centrala teoretiska perspektiv och metod. Sedan introduceras material och tidigare forskning, följt av en beskrivning av uppsatsens disposition. Uppsatsens undersökande del består av två kapitel vilka behandlar centrala motiv och känslotillstånd i ateljéns verksamhet. Undersökningen avrundas med en avslutande diskussion samt förslag på framtida forskning. Utifrån Sara Ahmeds affektteori, Edward W. Saids begrepp kontrapunktiskt perspektiv, Wendy Browns teori om samtida politiserade identiteter och sårade anknytningar och semiotisk bildanalys, har följande slutsatser nåtts: Den traditionella symboliken inom arpilleras skiftade i innebörd genom erfarenheten av exil. Ateljéns kollektiva verksamhet omvandlade exilen till en emanciperande erfarenhet snarare än att grunda den i förbittring. Slutligen skiljer sig anledningarna till ateljéns grundande från motiven bakom liknande verksamheter i Chile under militärdiktaturen.

Studien undersöker relationen mellan skapandet av arpilleras och erfarenheten av exil utifrån konstnären Cecilia Valdés och den politiska och konstnärliga organisationen Salvador Allende-kommitténs ateljé. I relation till exil behandlar frågeställningarna följande ämnen: mottival, skapandets syfte för individen i exil och exilens påverkan på den skapande erfarenheten. I uppsatsens inledning presenteras undersökningens syfte och frågeställningar, centrala teoretiska perspektiv och metod. Sedan introduceras material och tidigare forskning, följt av en beskrivning av uppsatsens disposition. Uppsatsens undersökande del består av två kapitel vilka behandlar centrala motiv och känslotillstånd i ateljéns verksamhet. Undersökningen avrundas med en avslutande diskussion samt förslag på framtida forskning. Utifrån Sara Ahmeds affektteori, Edward W. Saids begrepp kontrapunktiskt perspektiv, Wendy Browns teori om samtida politiserade identiteter och sårade anknytningar och semiotisk bildanalys, har följande slutsatser nåtts: Den traditionella symboliken inom arpilleras skiftade i innebörd genom erfarenheten av exil. Ateljéns kollektiva verksamhet omvandlade exilen till en emanciperande erfarenhet snarare än att grunda den i förbittring. Slutligen skiljer sig anledningarna till ateljéns grundande från motiven bakom liknande verksamheter i Chile under militärdiktaturen.

This thesis explores the ideological underpinnings of political soteriological discourse. Through analyzing key texts in liberation theology, using critical theorists such as Theodor W. Adorno and Wendy Brown, I aim to understand to how this soteriological discourse respond to the predicaments that afflict theology in modernity – and to explore the ideological issues with these responses. I then turn to present day Swedish theological conversations concerning salvation and its political use, in order to discuss whether the issues exposed in liberation theology can be considered to continue to be a problem for the present discussion. I also discuss the ethical and theological obstacles connected to the translocation of liberation theology from the Latin America of the 60’s, 70’s and 80’s to present day Sweden, or, in other words: from an exploited continent in protest against imperialism and capitalism, to the continent guilty of so much of the suffering that Latin American liberation theology condemned. What does it mean to turn to liberation theology in this context? I find, in this discourse, a certainty and assuredness concerning the salvation of all, which I find to be at least in part ideologically grounded. Instead, I suggest another direction for political revolutionary soteriology: to unsettle and disturb the modern image of the God-like man; to reconnect with the prehistoric fear of nature through a vigilant and restless immanent critique and through the subversive act of rituals and sacrifice.

No description available.

This project uses Michel Foucault’s underdeveloped notion of “tolerated illegality” as a departure point for two converging inquiries. The first analyzes, and then critiques, dominant legal logics and values. This part argues that traditional legal philosophers exhibit a “disagreement without difference,” generally concurring that legal certainty and predictability enhance agency. Subsequently, this section critiques “formal legal” logic by linking it to science envy (specifically the desire for certainty and predictability), and highlighting its agency- limiting effects (e.g. the violence of law en-force-ment). The second part examines multiple dimensions of tolerated illegality, exploring the permutations of this complex socio-legal phenomenon. Here the implications of tolerated illegality are mapped across different domains, ranging from the dispossession of Indigenous peoples of their lands, to the latent ideologies embedded in superhero shows. This section also examines the idea of liberal “tolerance,” as well as the themes of power, domination, politics, bureaucracy, and authority. Ultimately, this project demonstrates that it is illuminating to study legality and (tolerated) illegality in tandem because although analyses of “formal legality” provide helpful analytical texture, the polymorphous and entangled nature of tolerated illegality makes clear just how restricted and artificial strict analyses of legality can be. / Graduate