Les identités et les connaissances qui traversent les relations entre les individus soulèvent les mêmes enjeux d’appréhension, de normalisation et de reproduction des comportements et des discours qui font le monde social. Elles répondent toutefois à des logiques différentes : les identités appuient les différences qui naissent de perceptions subjectives et de confrontations d’intérêts, alors que les connaissances sont portées par des idéaux d’universalité et strictement tenues par les réalités objectives. À partir d’une revue de la littérature et faisant état de la question, ce mémoire s’intéresse à la perméabilité croissante qui s’établit entre identités et savoirs par le recours à un positionnement essentialisé, que nous qualifions de « positionnalité ». Notamment, nous interrogeons ses formes idéologiques contemporaines afin de comprendre quelles sont les origines de ces positionnements identitaires essentialisés et leurs conséquences pour l’élaboration et la médiation du savoir. Nous établissons que la positionnalité est le fruit d’un abord constructiviste des régimes de vérité et de pouvoir, et qu’elle s’appuie sur des lectures partisanes des héritages de la théorie critique. Nous mettons aussi en exergue l’environnement politique façonné par « l’ère post-vérité », caractérisé par une dépréciation de la valeur des faits et la contestation des autorités épistémiques traditionnelles. Enfin, nous avançons que le développement de la positionnalité, précipité par l’ère post-vérité, entretient une dynamique néolibérale d’appropriation ou de privatisation des savoirs pris en tant que biens communs. Les thèmes abordés dans ce mémoire nous conduisent à penser que l’essentialisation des positionnements identitaires a dépassé le cadre strictement épistémologique, et sert désormais une accumulation et une appropriation exclusive des moyens de la connaissance. / Identities and knowledge permeate relationships between individuals, raising the same issues of comprehension, normalization and reproduction of behaviors and discourse that constitute the social world. However, they follow different logics: identities reproduce the differences that arise from subjective perceptions and confrontations of interests, while knowledge rests on ideals of universality and of objective reality. Through an extensive review of the literature, this thesis examines the growing permeability between identities and knowledge that has arisen from a recent, essentialized form of positioning we call "positionality". In particular, we question this contemporary ideological form in order to understand the origins of such essentialized identity positions as well as their consequences for both the development and mediation of knowledge. We establish that positionality relies on a constructivist approach to truth and power regimes as well as on partisan readings of critical theory’s legacies. We also highlight the political environment of the “post-truth era,” characterized by a devaluation of facts and the challenging of traditional epistemic authorities. Finally, we argue that the development of positionality, hastened by the post-truth era, reinforces neoliberal appropriation, or privatization, of knowledge heretofore understood as a public good. The topics addressed in this thesis lead us to think that the essentialization of identity positioning has moved from a strictly epistemological question to one concerning the accumulation and exclusive ownership of the means of knowledge production.

The European refugee crisis sparked many debates within the European Union member states, as European countries had different ideas about handling the situation. As a result to the long negotiations without decisions, the crisis escalated, resulting in anti-immigrant, populist parties to emerge with big support among European citizens.The Hungarian government was among the first countries in the European Union to capitalise upon the refugee crisis by politicising the question of immigration, therefore, several anti-immigration campaigns were initiated in Hungary during 2015 and 2016.By analysing and comparing two campaign materials (one from 2015 and one from 2016) via the three-dimensional critical discourse analysis model of Fairclough, the thesis sought to identify the milestones and the rhetoric shifts of the communication of the Hungarian government that changed the public discourse in Hungary, as well as to point out similarities with populist practices in the anti-immigrant campaigns. The empirical analysis was carried out in the theoretical framework of discourse and power, populism, post-factuality, and agenda setting and framing.The text argued for a rhetorical shift between 2015 and 2016, in which the target of the governmental communication changed from refugees towards the European Union and its immigration policy. The thesis found evidence for the usage of populist practices that vastly affected the way Hungarians approach the question of immigration.It is hoped that this thesis could highlight the imbalance in the power relations of the public discourse in Hungary, and the findings could contribute to further analyses of populist campaigns in the period of the European refugee crisis.