The central topic of analysis in the master thesis is the general elections in Mexico in 2012 and their influence on the ongoing reform process in the country. The emphasis is put on the effect of conducted reforms and the extent to which they are influenced by the separation of powers in the Mexican presidential system, the Congress itself, the power of the presidents the role of the political parties, the nature of the presidential systems in general, as well as the civil society i.e. the public. There has been a certain amount of criticism that the new, PRI political strategy is simply a portrait of the so called "dinosaur elite" and it is not working towards completing the needs of the people. The aim of the master thesis therefore is firstly to define the nature of the presidential systems, to elaborate any potential deadlocks and limitations that the system might impose in the reform process, and afterwards to represent the extent to which different factors influence the actual reform process in Mexico lead by the President Nieto. The research question aims to respond whether the current structural reforms are well maintained in terms of their effectiveness and in terms of gaining support from the remaining parties in the Congress, or the situation needs to be approved from another angle. In other words, it is crucial to show to what extent the newly elected political leadership in Mexico, as of 2012, had so far reformed the country in regard of strengthening the democracy, improving the economic situation by reducing the growing income inequality amongst the people, as well as working on the security improvement of the country.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nayana Shirado.pdf: 464151 bytes, checksum: b6159009743afcfe1df72843abb43844 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-10 / The question which arises and is usually revisited at all times and at different latitudes is to choose the best formula to provide the political organization of society, based mainly on the principle of separation of executive, legislative and judicial branches. This study will concentrate the focus of discussion in the steering system of "flexible" separation with mutual dependency between the Executive and the Legislative - parliamentary government and "hard" separation with mutual independence between these two powers, according to the mechanical of checks and balances - presidential government. Thinking of types of systems in a responsible and democratic way, that is, how the organs of power articulate tasks among themselves, is to think of political responsibility as a centerpiece of this mechanism. In this context, the scope of this paper is to point out a domestic and comparative study of political accountability relating parliamentary and presidential governments, against the rule of irresponsibility - "The King can do no wrong" - designed in the tradition of absolutist monarchies. The theoretical horizon outlined here moves through the spectrum from positivist responsibility and access the teleological content of this institute, delimiting the focus of responsibility in the subjective actions of the chief of executive and members of the legislative in our legal system and panoramas of British, Spanish, Italian, French and American governments. Despite the dogmatic contribution of le gal texts, we investigate the philosophical content in the idea of political responsibility, conceived as obligation (activity) and of a perspective of the value (outcome). From this scenario, three methodological precautions were taken to clear our path: the first looked after, within the concept of political responsibility, commitment of staff to respond by an act of political behavior or worthlessness in democratic sphere, the second took care to trace the features of cabinet government in the form of monarchy and republic, with the aim of investigating the tools for measuring the political responsibility of the king, the president of the republic and the prime minister and his cabinet, the third guided by researching in the presidential government the political responsibility of the president and the guarantors of this mechanisms, especially the responsibility of the Chief of Executive and members of Legislative, among us. In conclusion, the study refers to the measurement of political responsibility through a legal vehicle for direct control of political activity - the election - which provides enforcing the trust between elected and electorate, so as that through an act of the will of the citizens the choice of political representatives is made. The study indicates that the number of re-election and the renewal of the seats in parliament act as a thermometer to measure the degree of political accountability to the electorate. Admittedly, however, that the effectiveness of this mechanism requires the existence of a public awareness of the political events and able to influence this process. / A questão que se põe e que sói ser revisitada em todos os tempos e em diversas latitudes é a escolha da melhor fórmula política de prover à organização da sociedade, alicerçada, sobretudo, no princípio da separação dos poderes Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. Neste estudo concentraremos o foco da discussão nos sistemas de governo de separação flexível com dependência mútua entre Executivo e Legislativo, -- receita de governo parlamentar --, e de separação rígida com independência recíproca entre esses dois poderes, segundo a mecânica de checks and balances -- receita de governo presidencial. Pensar em tipologias de sistemas de governo de fundo democrático, que dizem com o modo como se dispõem os órgãos de poder e como articulam tarefas entre si, é pensar na responsabilidade política como trave mestra desse mecanismo. Nesse contexto, o escopo deste trabalho é pontuar, no cenário doméstico e comparado, o estudo da responsabilização política imbricado aos sistemas de governo parlamentar e presidencial, à revelia do postulado da irresponsabilidade - The King can do no wrong - projetado na tradição política absolutista. O horizonte teórico aqui delineado perpassa pelo espectro positivista da responsabilização política e alcança o conteúdo teleológico do instituto, delimitando o foco subjetivo da responsabilidade na atuação do Chefe do Executivo Federal e dos membros do Legislativo em nosso sistema jurídico e nos panoramas britânico, espanhol, italiano, francês e norte-americano. Não obstante a dogmática aportada com a pesquisa aos textos jurídicos, imprimimos ao trabalho o viés filosófico contido na idéia de responsabilidade política, seja sob o alicerce do dever (atividade), seja sob o prisma do valor (resultado). A partir desse cenário, três precauções metodológicas foram tomadas para aclarar nosso caminho: a primeira cuidou de identificar, no conceito de responsabilidade política, o comprometimento do agente em responder por um ato ou comportamento político desvalorado na esfera democrática; a segunda cuidou de traçar as características do governo de Gabinete sob a forma de monarquia e de república, com o fito de investigar-lhes os instrumentos de aferição da responsabilidade política do rei, do Presidente da República e do Primeiro-Ministro e seu Gabinete; a terceira pautou pela investigação do sistema de governo presidencial no que tange à responsabilidade do Presidente da República e aos mecanismos garantidores dessa responsabilização, com destaque para a responsabilidade do Chefe do Executivo e dos membros do Legislativo, entre nós. Em conclusão, o estudo remete à aferição da responsabilidade política por meio de um mecanismo jurídico de controle externo direto da atividade política -- a eleição -- que dá liga à relação de confiança entre governante e governados, na medida em que por meio de um ato de vontade dos cidadãos se faz a escolha dos representantes políticos. O estudo aponta que o número de reeleições e a taxa de renovação das cadeiras no Parlamento se traduzem num termômetro para aferição do grau de responsabilização política perante o corpo eleitoral. É certo, porém que a eficácia desse mecanismo requer a existência de um público atento aos acontecimentos políticos e capaz de influir nesse processo.