Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Kelley School of Business, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1442. Adviser: Shanker H. Krishnan. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed June 19, 2007)."

Collectivism and individualism are culturally-related psychological structures which have been used to distinguish people within and across various societies. From a review of the literature, it is argued that the most salient feature of individualism is valuing personal independence, which includes self-knowledge, uniqueness, privacy, clear communication, and competitiveness. Collectivism is associated with a strong sense of duty to group, relatedness to others, seeking others' advice, harmony, and working with the group. The purpose of the thesis is to explore how collectivist and individualist attributes affect the way people respond to Likert-type questionnaires. In the first study, a new measurement tool for individualism and collectivism was developed to address critical methodological issues in this field of cross-cultural psychology. This new measure the “Auckland Individualism and Collectivism Scale” defined three dimensions of individualism: (a) Responsibility (acknowledging one's responsibility for one's actions), (b) Uniqueness (distinction of the self from the other) and (c) Compete (striving for personal goals is one's prime interest); and two dimensions of collectivism: (d) Advice (seeking advice from people close to one, before taking decisions), and (e) Harmony (seeking to avoid conflict). The AICS avoids the need for measuring horizontal and vertical dimensions of collectivism and individualism, and the confounding effect of familialism on the collectivism-individualism constructs. The second study investigated the relationship between collectivism and individualism and various response sets that have been reported relating to the way in which individuals respond to Likert-type scales. Using structural equation modelling, the Collectivism-Individualism Model of Response Bias was developed. This model suggests two types of response sets: (a) the Impression-Response Bias which includes response sets such as social desirability and context, that affect the first four stages of responding to questions, namely receiving and retrieving data and making decisions; and (b) the Expression-Response Bias which includes response sets such as the extreme response set and the neutral response set that relate to the application of the responses, namely the actual answer chosen by the respondent. Collectivism is negatively correlated with context and with self deception enhancement whereas individualism is positively correlated with context and self deception enhancement and impression management. Context is positively correlated with extreme response set and negatively correlated with neutral response set. The Collectivism-Individualism Model of Response Bias suggests that collectivist and individualist attributes directly affect the Impression-Response Bias response sets and indirectly affect the Expression-Response Bias response sets. It was concluded that attributes of collectivism and individualism affect the decision made by the respondents and therefore lead to different responses to Likert-type questionnaires. Nevertheless, the effect of collectivism and individualism on the magnitude of the responses would be limited as it is mediated by the Impression-Response Bias response set. / Subscription resource available via Digital Dissertations only.

The use of social networking sites (SNS) is a relatively new field of academic enquiry. Growing concern over adolescents’ and children’s internet use has spawned research on the possible effects of internet use on adolescent and child development (Shen, Liu, & Wang, 2013). This research thesis is designed to explore what social networking sites and apps are being used by children in two UK secondary schools. To investigate when they are accessing their social networks, to measure what extent the use of SNS occupies young people’s minds and to gain a deeper understanding of the experience of being in secondary school, immersed in the use of social networking. A mixed methods, two phase, research design was employed. The first phase of this study employed the use of questionnaires incorporating an adapted internet addiction Test (Young, 1998). The 1148 participants in phase 1 were from across 2 UK secondary schools, in Years 9, 10 and 11 (aged 13 – 16 years old). Phase 2 of this research thesis identified 8 individuals (4 males, 4 females) who scored highly on the adapted internet addiction test (Young, 1998) used in phase 1. These participants took part in semi-structured interviews which were analysed using interpretative phenomenological analysis. The results of this study showcase a breadth and depth of data regarding the uses of SNS. Phase 1 of this study indicated that 2% of participants are experiencing significant problems in their life because of their social networking usage (SNS occupies their minds to a severe extent). 41% of participants reported experiencing occasional or frequent problems because of social networking (SNS occupies their minds to a moderate extent). 45% of participants may use social networking a bit too long at times, but they have control over their usage (SNS occupies their minds to a mild extent). 12% of participants report that it is very rare for social networking use to have any negative impact on their life (SNS occupies their minds to a normal extent). Phase 2 results identified a number of key themes experienced by children whose minds are occupied by SNS to a moderate or severe level, including: *Connection to others: Social connection; Relationship maintenance; The monitoring of others *Identity and Construction of the Self: Change over time; A part of you; The role of parent *Cyber-bullying: Group Judgement & Reaction; A venue/channel for negativity; ‘Blocking’ as protection *From online to in-school: Interference of work; Threats, intimidation or violence. This research thesis adds to the growing body of research regarding the uses and experiences of social networking sites. This thesis concludes with an exploration of the limitations of this research, future directions for study and the implications for educational psychology practice.

Text in Afrikaans / This thesis offers a case illustration where autonomy as explanatory construction is described from ecosystemic thinking. Certain important constructions with the emphasis on autonomy are discussed. The focus is on a family in which incest occurred. Some possible patterns in such families are discussed. The content is presented in the form of a play in four acts, namely: Act 1 : The incest relationship Act 2: The disclosure of the secret Act 3: The involvement of the people concerned Act 4: The involvement of the helping professions The autonomy of the incestuous family and the way in which conservation is manifested is described. The research applies the theory to describe the process of an incest drama in one family. Conclusions and recommendations are applied to the general social work practice. / Hierdie verhandeling bied 'n illustrasie waar outonomie as verduidelikende konstruksie vanuit ekosistemiese denke in 'n gevallestudie beskryf word. Sekere belangrike konstruksies van ekosistemiese denke, met die klem op outonomie, word bespreek. Die fokus is verder ook op 'n gesin waarin · bloedskande voorkom en enkele moontlike patrone in hierdie gesinne word bespreek. Die inhoud word in die vorm van 'n drama wat in vier bedrywe uitgespeel word, aangebied, naamlik: Die 1e Bedryf: Die Bloedskande-verhouding Die 2e Bedryf: Die Bekendmaking van die geheim Die 3e Bedryf: Die Reaksie van die persone betrokke Die 4e Bedryf: Die Betrokkenheid van die helpende professies Die outonomie van die bloedskandegesin en hoe daar konservering in bogenoemde vier bedrywe voorkom, word beskryf. Daar word ook gefokus op die outonomie van die navorser en die professionele persone betrokke. Die teorie is toegepas in die navorsing om die proses van 'n bloedskandedrama van een Die teorie is toegepas in die navorsing om die proses van 'n bloedskandedrama van een gesin volledig te beskryf. Gevolgtrekkings en aanbevelings dui op die bruikbaarheid in die algemene maatskaplike werk praktyk. / Social Work / M.A. (Social Sciences)

<p> This study examined attitudes towards intimate partner violence (IPV), endorsement of IPV myths, and self-esteem of undergraduate social work students at California State University, Long Beach. The sample consisted of 42 respondents, who were over the age of 18 and enrolled in the bachelor of social work major. Results indicated that, overall, this sample had high levels of self-esteem, low levels of attitudes accepting of IPV, and low levels of endorsement of IPV myths. Significant results were found indicating that younger students had higher levels of attitudes accepting of IPV. Additionally, students with parents who have less than a high school education had a significantly higher level of endorsement of IPV myths. Finally, there was evidence that the scores on the Domestic Violence Myth Acceptance Scale and the Intimate Partner Violence Acceptance Scale-Revised were positively correlated; the correlation approached significance. Implications for social work practice and directions for future research are discussed further.</p>

How do organizations create an environment to motivate their employees to be healthy, productive, and competent decision makers? My dissertation identifies the underlying factors that could prevent organizations from achieving their goals, and takes on three research projects to address such barriers to successful organizational functioning. To provide a theoretical foundation for my research, I bring together conceptual and methodological streams from various disciplines including organizational behavior, behavioral decision research, and cognitive and affective psychology. I then employ multiple methods, including laboratory experiments involving psychophysiology as well as field research. Three essays compose this dissertation. My first essay examines the role of emotion-regulation processes in moral decision making. That is, emotion-regulation strategies (concealing and rethinking emotions) influence the decision maker’s preference for utilitarian choice. Using a process-dissociation approach, I also show emotion regulation selectively reduces deontological inclinations, leading to greater preference for utilitarian decisions. My second essay utilizes data from a large-scale field data as well as data from laboratory and online labor market. This research shows how seemingly irrelevant, uncontrollable factors—such as rain—may influence employee productivity by eliminating potential cognitive distractions. My third essay focuses on an intervention designed to invoke individuals’ psychosocial resources. Using a method called the Reflected Best-Self Exercise, I empirically test a set of hypotheses at the individual and team level. This research demonstrates that this intervention not only has positive health and stress-buffering effects, but also has implications for individual-level creativity, team-level functioning and performance. Across three essays, I argue that organizational performance should be understood in terms of the functioning of individual employees and teams. Thus, my work lays groundwork for organizational leaders to counteract the three barriers to organizational functioning.

By social influence I understand the change in an individual’s thoughts, feelings, attitudes or behaviors that results from interactions with another individual or group. Political, commercial and public health campaigns rely at least partly on influence. Without influence, we have a hard time explaining voter turnout, fads or contagious health behaviors. In my research I focus on pro-social behavior and the de-decentralized provision of public goods, and I ask when and why people are influenced by others as well as when and why people attempt to influence others to “do the right thing”. These questions help us understand human motivation in social contexts, and thus may also help us design policies that can nudge behavior towards more socially desirable, welfare enhancing outcomes. Despite the importance of influence, its study is scattered across disciplines. In my research, I seek to bridge the disciplinary gap through a three-pronged approach. First, I incorporate concepts found in psychology into a decision-theoretic framework. Second, I experimentally test for hypotheses that are derived from this formalization. Third, I use game theory to derive novel conclusions about how aggregate behavior changes when these concepts are incorporated and propose policy recommendations. My dissertation follows parts of this procedure and points to next steps for two psychology concepts: social identity adoption and social expectations. In chapter 1, I write down a unifying model of social identity adoption that integrates different strands in the economics and psychology literature. I provide evidence for the main predictions of this model with a large scale field experiment on charitable giving in Mexico. In chapter 2, joint with Michael Hiscox, we write down a model from which we derive conditions for distinguishing between a social expectations and an altruism explanation to pro-social influence. Results from a laboratory experiment show that most pro-social influence is due to social expectations. In chapter 3, I integrate this social expectations model into a sequential decision setting. I use this to derive a novel model of pluralistic ignorance, and argue that this model explains why uninformed individuals can be leaders in a way past models could not. / Political Economy and Government

Early moral psychologists identified the moral domain with a class of actions that negatively impacted the wellbeing of others or violated their rights. However, anthropological work suggested that this view failed to capture the full extent of the moral domain, which can include victimless actions (e.g., food taboos), especially among socially conservative or non-Western individuals. Which kinds of acts are included in the moral domain? Along which dimensions do the acts differ from one another? Paper 1 utilizes a data-driven approach to mapping the moral domain, revealing a simple two-factor structure that captures variance in moral judgments across individuals, as well as reliable cross-voxel pattern information within individual brains. The remaining papers investigate judgments of agents who perform “harmful” acts (e.g., assault) versus “impure” acts (e.g., incest), which are each representative of the separate factors discovered in Paper 1. In Paper 2, we see an asymmetry in people’s causal attributions for the actions of harmful versus impure agents: impure acts are judged as more internally generated, and less due to the situation, compared to harmful acts. This asymmetry is due to differences in abnormality, a key dimension along which the moral domain may be organized. Paper 3 probes agent evaluations: how are harmful and impure agents expected to act in other contexts? People expect harmful agents to be harmful but not impure. In contrast, people expect impure agents to be both impure and harmful. This effect is connected to a model of the moral domain with a conceptual “core” of dyadic harm, surrounded by a periphery of victimless moral violations. Together, this work highlights a simple structure in the moral domain that can explain moral judgments, causal attributions, action predictions, as well as patterns of activity in the cortex. / Psychology

The way humans cooperate is unparalleled in the animal kingdom, and coordination plays an important role in human cooperation. Common knowledge—an infinite recursion of shared mental states, such that A knows X, A knows that B knows X, A knows that B knows that A knows X, ad infinitum—is strategically important in facilitating coordination. Common knowledge has also played an important theoretical role in many fields, and has been invoked to explain a staggering diversity of social phenomena. However, no previous empirical work has directly explored the psychology of common knowledge. Paper 1 demonstrates that people represent common knowledge, distinguish it from lower levels of shared knowledge (e.g., A knows that B knows X, but nothing more), and that common knowledge facilitates coordination for mutual benefits. The paper reports results from four experiments in which groups of participants interacted in coordination games, with varying levels of knowledge and payoffs. Results showed that common knowledge facilitates coordination, and thus provides an important proof of concept. Paper 2 provides support from a large dyadic psychophysiology study for a recently proposed theory of strategic indirect speech, in which common knowledge plays a central role. Participants’ affective reactions to different types of illicit propositions were consistent with predictions from the theory, as were their responses to survey questions that asked what they would tell their friends about the propositions. By supporting the strategic theory of indirect speech, these results provide indirect evidence that common knowledge plays an important role in explaining certain kinds of indirect speech. Paper 3 provides evidence from two experiments that the self-conscious emotions of embarrassment, shame, and guilt are sensitive to the distinction between common knowledge and lower levels of shared knowledge. In the first experiment, participants read fictional scenarios that might induce these emotions, and reported that they would feel them more strongly if a transgression was common knowledge than if it was merely shared knowledge. In the second experiment, participants performed a karaoke song for a panel of judges, and reported higher levels of embarrassment when their performance was common knowledge than shared knowledge. / Psychology

In the following essays, I apply theoretical insights and experimental methods from behavioral science to address three questions at the intersection of environmental economics and consumer behavior. In Chapter 1, I use an experimental intervention to explore the role of salience in the willingness to pay for climate change mitigation. The long time horizon between the mitigation decision and the benefits of that decision may hinder optimal investment in climate change mitigation. The immediate costs of the decision loom large in the decision-maker's mind while the future benefits have lower prominence in their decisions. As a result, climate change mitigation decisions may be prone to salience bias. In an online randomized control experiment, I test whether tasks focusing attention on the risks and challenges of climate change will increase the willingness to pay for climate change mitigation. In the Letter treatment, the writing task is framed as a message directed to a particular individual living in the year 2050. In Essay treatment, the writing task is framed as an essay on the risks and challenges of climate change. I find that compared to a control group, both writing tasks that focus attention on the risks and challenges of climate change increase the willingness to donate to a climate change mitigation non-profit organization. However, the two treatments appear to operate through different pathways. These findings contribute to the understanding of how to effectively bridge the psychological distance between choice and consequence for climate change mitigation. They also have broader implications for the interplay between psychological distance and salience bias in a broad range of decision-making contexts. In Chapter 2, coauthored with Joseph Aldy, we model the consumer welfare impacts of gasoline price volatility under expected utility theory and prospect theory. The salience of gasoline prices among the U.S. public reflects consumer concerns about the price, and the uncertainty around the price, of gasoline. Volatility in gasoline prices reduces the ability of credit-constrained households to smooth consumption, and could result in substantial welfare losses for such households. Volatility reduces the information value of prices, which can undermine consumer decision-making for new investments. Gasoline price volatility may also reflect energy and environmental policies. As decision-makers compare the welfare impacts of policies that accomplish the same goal (e.g. reduce carbon dioxide emissions) but generate different levels of volatility in energy prices (e.g. fixed carbon tax compared to a fluctuating allowance price), the effects of consumer price volatility are often left out of the analysis. The goal of this research is to understand how energy price volatility affects consumer welfare. Focusing specifically on the gasoline market, we estimate the risk premium for increased gasoline price volatility due to a carbon allowance market. Under an expected utility theory model, households with highly inelastic demand or high-risk aversion tend to prefer fixed prices but have low risk premiums. Under a prospect theory model with reference-dependent utility, loss aversion leads to a strong preference for fixed prices with risk premiums around 2% of the average price. The salience of gasoline prices creates a strong reference point and the level of attention focused on "pain at the pump" when prices rise sharply implies loss aversion. Thus, prospect theory may be particularly well-suited to this market setting. By clarifying the welfare impacts of gasoline price volatility, we will better understand the full set of tradeoffs among energy policy options that have differential effects on fuel price volatility. In Chapter 3, I use a series of experiments to explore the impacts of eco-friendly labels on perceptions and evaluations of product attributes. Expectations may affect how people evaluate product attributes. If people expect different levels of performance from eco-products and regular products, then the presence of an eco-product label may bias their evaluations. Six experiments examine how expectations of the objective performance of eco-products affect perceptions of those products and subsequent product preferences. Holding objective performance constant, I find that prior expectations bias the evaluations of eco-product attributes. Expecting energy efficient bulbs to generate unpleasant lighting causes people to evaluate the lighting as unpleasant; expecting toilet tissue from recycled paper to be coarse causes people to evaluate the toilet paper as coarse. Using a study designed to isolate the effects on sensory perception, I find that expectations do not bias the sensory perception of product attributes. Instead, I find that consumers follow Bayesian predictions of combining prior expectations with a new perceptual signal to form posterior evaluations. This research may help explain the slower than expected take-up of energy efficient products (referred to as the "energy efficiency gap"), and the persistence of beliefs that eco-products underperform standard products, when many objectively do not. / Public Policy