Texte remanié de: Mémoire de DEA. / En appendice, choix de documents. Index.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität Marburg, 1931. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [vii]-ix).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin, 1979. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 563-580).

Proefschrift--Sociale wetenschappen--Katholieke Universiteit van Nijmegen, 1990. / Résumé en néerlandais.

After the crippling An-Shih chaos of 755-?62,the attempts of post-rebellion T'ang to revitalize . the dynasty were continuously hindered by four inter-related factors! foreign incursions, fan-chen provincialism, bureaucratic factionalism, and eunuch domination of the court. The Sweet Dew Incident of 835 was a palace coup in Ch'ang-an launched against the power-entrenched court eunuchs by the Li Hsun faction in the central bureaucracy. Li Hsun's supporters included the emperor Wen-tsung, who played an active role in the initial planning and final launching of the coup. The coup failed, and the Li Hsiin men suffered a tragic end, with the city of Ch'ang-an being thrown into chaos and terror. The historiography of the incident in the standard histories of the period is marked throughout with the moralizing bias of the Sung historiogmphers and does not provide an . adequate interpretation of the Li Hsun faction. Through a critical study of the standard histories of the period and using supplementary sources, this thesis is an attempt to review the events of the Sweet Dew Incident and the Li Hsun faction in the context of the historical realities of post-rebellion T'ang and their developments during the reign of Wen-tsung. Chapter One is an introduction to the problem under study. The events and participants of the Sweet Dew Incident as recorded by the standard histories are briefly described. In this chapter the sources of these standard histories are examined for the period under study, and the discrepancies and consistencies within these standard histories are explained. The next chapter deals with the four historical realities of post-rebellion T'ang and their respective developments during the reign of Wen-tsung. The incursions of the Uighur, T'u-fan, and Nan-chao tribes are first examined, then the recalcitrancy of the northeast provinces.. Next, the several domains of eunuch interference in the court of Ch'ang-an, including imperial succession and military control, are discussed. Lastly, this chapter describes the controversial issues surrounding the Niu and Li factional strife, the infamous factional feud which penetrated the central bureaucracy for over forty years. In this chapter an attempt is also made to see whether the proposed strategy of the Li Hsun faction was appropriate for dealing with these four problems of the central government. Chapter Three is essentially a reconstruction of the Li Hsun faction. The seventeen members of the faction are traced and studied in a composite biography based on their family backgrounds and political careers. This chapter also probes the circumstances under which the key personalities of the faction, Li Hsun, Shu Yuan-yu, Wang Yai and Chia Su, made each other's acquaintance and formed a secret alignment in Lo-yang. Chapter Four deals with the rise to power of Li Hsiin. Li Hsun's political methods, particularly the divide and rule tactic applied to the resolution of the eunuch problem and factionalism, are examined. In this chapter Li Hsun's manipulations from within the Han-lin Academy and the transformation of his secret alignment in Lo-yang to a; dominant faction in Ch'ang-an are also observed. The final chapter provides a narration of the events of the Sweet Dew Incident of 835. It concludes/the study with an examination of the aftermath and repercussions of the coup on the emperor Wen-tsung and on the T'ang central government. / Arts, Faculty of / Asian Studies, Department of / Graduate

French writer, editor, and literary critic Jean Paulhan (1884-1968) stands out as a remarkably ambiguous figure in the period following the Second World War, when interpretations of the war tended to create clear divisions between resisters and collaborators. Shortly after Paris was occupied by Germany in 1940, Jean Paulhan became one of the leading figures in the intellectual resistance to Nazi occupation. During the purges that followed the war, however, he was one of the principal protectors of writers deemed collaborationist and, therefore, treacherous by Resistance writers. This thesis examines the controversial position that Paulhan held regarding the post-war purges by describing the historical context to which he was reacting, and by engaging in a close and comparative reading of three of his key texts. His two texts which deal explicitly with the purge, <i>Of Chaff and Wheat</i> and <i>Letter to the Directors of the Resistance</i>, are read alongside his key work on language and literature,<i>Flowers of Tarbes or, Terror in Literature</i>. His commentary on the purge of writers was a nexus in which his literary and political concerns were conjoined. Uniting his literary and political writings to the context of the purge was an intricate argument against the process of purification. To Paulhan, the relationship that various modern literary movements had to literature and language was based, like the post-war purge, on an ideal of purity and renewal which required a dishonest and violent association with the past. Ultimately, this thesis argues that the seemingly uncomfortable contradictions revealed in the roles that Paulhan played during and after the Occupation actually formed the core of a consistent ethical position, one that responded to a real political situation of national trauma while remaining grounded in a wider understanding of the complex relationships between literature, language, national identity and political action.

French writer, editor, and literary critic Jean Paulhan (1884-1968) stands out as a remarkably ambiguous figure in the period following the Second World War, when interpretations of the war tended to create clear divisions between resisters and collaborators. Shortly after Paris was occupied by Germany in 1940, Jean Paulhan became one of the leading figures in the intellectual resistance to Nazi occupation. During the purges that followed the war, however, he was one of the principal protectors of writers deemed collaborationist and, therefore, treacherous by Resistance writers. This thesis examines the controversial position that Paulhan held regarding the post-war purges by describing the historical context to which he was reacting, and by engaging in a close and comparative reading of three of his key texts. His two texts which deal explicitly with the purge, <i>Of Chaff and Wheat</i> and <i>Letter to the Directors of the Resistance</i>, are read alongside his key work on language and literature,<i>Flowers of Tarbes or, Terror in Literature</i>. His commentary on the purge of writers was a nexus in which his literary and political concerns were conjoined. Uniting his literary and political writings to the context of the purge was an intricate argument against the process of purification. To Paulhan, the relationship that various modern literary movements had to literature and language was based, like the post-war purge, on an ideal of purity and renewal which required a dishonest and violent association with the past. Ultimately, this thesis argues that the seemingly uncomfortable contradictions revealed in the roles that Paulhan played during and after the Occupation actually formed the core of a consistent ethical position, one that responded to a real political situation of national trauma while remaining grounded in a wider understanding of the complex relationships between literature, language, national identity and political action.

The thesis examines the social memory of Soviet period in Ukraine on the national and regional levels drawing on the conceptual framework of social memory as shared, normative and formative knowledge of the past, subject to contentious interpretations of various groups and reflecting the power structure of the society. The analysis of the law on the rehabilitation of victims of political repressions in Ukraine, the law on the Holodomor as genocide against Ukrainian nation, and the decommunization laws shows that on the official level Ukraine moved from an ambivalent attitude towards the Soviet legacy, in which Stalinism was repudiated, to the condemnation of Soviet power as a whole. On the regional level, the study reveals the divisive memory of the Soviet past. The analysis of the activities of the Memorial Society, of monuments to the prisoners executed in Lviv by retreating Soviets in June of 1941, of the Museum-Prison on Lontsky street and other museums and monuments shows that in Lviv, as in the Baltic States, the Soviet power is viewed as an alien regime, imposed on freedom-loving Ukrainians by Soviet Russia tyranny. On the opposite side of Lviv is Donetsk. The analysis of the memorial landscape of the city shows that the Donbas memory of the 1930s, as in Soviet times and in Russia, is based on an official forgetting of the repressions. The general assessment of the Soviet past is positive is incorporated into the collective identity of Donetsk as its integral part. After the Euromaidan events of late 2013-early 2014 the opposite memories of the Soviet past became even more apparent. Soviet past in Ukraine is a complex historical period. Examples of post-second world war Western Europe shows that a society, which wants to rebuild itself after a traumatic, divisive past, has to work through this past critically and honestly through an extremely difficult, but necessary open public debate. Only free exchange of opinions, where diversity of perspectives and interpretations of the Soviet experience would be heard, will allow Ukrainian society to grasp the complexity of the Soviet past and to build an inclusive, pluralist democracy.

The thesis "The Party of the Expelled" in the Český Krumlov and Prachatice district 1970-1980 through the research of regional context deepens the knowledge of the process of establishment and legitimization of Normalization in the periphery of the Czech borderland. On the basis of archival materials, mainly from the District Committees of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSČ) in Český Krumlov and Prachatice and other sources within the Party hierarchy, it tries to map the course of the consolidation process and party purges in 1970. Compared to nationwide data, it attempts to capture the specifics of the Czechoslovakian periphery. The main task of the thesis is to analyze various fate of excluded members of the KSČ: the so-called "Party of the Expelled." The analysis focuses on their diverse life trajectories and ways of dealing with separation from the party collective, with special regard to the various loyalties that these people were tied to the party, to the society, workplaces and, last but not least, to each other. Through this analysis, the role of this segment of the population in establishing the legitimacy of the Normalization regime is shown. Since the purges resulted in the disadvantagement of a significant number of qualified workforce, they are interpreted as a process of...

This master thesis, The reform movement and the normalization of relations in Jihlava (1960-1971), maps the course of that period in Jihlava, the capital of the region Vysočina. The first part of this work includes a brief introduction into the atmosphere in Czechoslovakia in 1960s and the historical development in Jihlava in the same period. The second chapter describes the course of events from the beginning of year 1968, colloquially called "The Prague Spring". New politicians ascended to the politic power and established a new theory, which was called "Socialism with a human face". The third part deals with the invasion of the Warsaw Pact army of Czechoslovakia on 21st August 1968. The text focuses mainly on Jihlava. The fifth chapter describes the course of events in Czechoslovakia since the second half of year 1968 to April 1971. This period is called normalization and is characterized by retreating from the post-January policy, personnel changes, restoring censorship, etc. The last part of the thesis concerns itself with Evžen Plocek. He was an active reform politician in Jihlava and committed suicide in April 1969. He burned himself to death due to the consequences of the Warsaw Pact army invasion of The Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in 1968.