Since South Africa was declared a democratic country, the number of refugees fleeing to South Africa has increased. While it is understandable that refugees would flee to a country with a Constitution that protects the rights of everyone within its territory, this influx of refugees and migrants also puts a strain on the South African economy. One of the main problems associated with refugees and migrants in this country is their illegal status. Failure to obtain legal status in the country can be attributed to their own negligence to attend to the Refugee Reception Office, upon their arrival in the country. On the other hand, the South African government also fails foreigners in that the service provided at the Refugee Reception Offices is not up to the standard promised in the legislation. A further problem associated with refugees and migrants in the country is that they are competing with South Africans for jobs that are already scarce in the country. A foreigners need to earn a living is the driving force behind entering the employment market, and often illegally. Where refugees and migrants do not have the required work permits, their employment is prohibited in terms of the Immigration Act 13 of 2002 and they are thus illegal workers. Until recently, South Africa has followed the same policy as other international countries. Illegal workers did not have access to the protection provided by our labour legislation, by virtue of the illegality of their employment contracts. This position was changed by the Discovery Health case where the courts focused more on the existence of an employment relationship as oppose to an employment contract.

With a number of international and intranational conflicts still unresolved and new ones arising, refugees will continue to be in need of protection. South Africa, known for its tolerant constitution, is likely to receive more asylum seekers in the future. This research seeks to investigate the experiences of refugees in Port Elizabeth, South Africa, as reported by practitioners assisting refugees in the area. The explorative study aims at examining the issues refugees commonly find challenging, describing positive and negative developments in the experience of refugees and discussing how their experience can be improved. An analysis of basic human needs theory serves as a framework for the study. The researcher conducted face-to-face interviews with the participants. The analysis of the data gathered emphasised the challenges refugees face in seeking to satisfy their needs. The main themes that were identified from the data include: a lack of knowledge and awareness about refugee issues and a misconceptions regarding different groups of migrants; current socioeconomic challenges in South Africa; xenophobia; refugees as a heterogeneous group; and refugee access to services. The challenges faced by refugees in Port Elizabeth were identified as access to justice and correct documentation, access to healthcare, housing and education, as well as xenophobia, police protection and crime. Recommendations were made regarding the improvement of the refugees’ experience, including educating public sector employees and government officials about refugee rights, sensitising communities about refugee issues, offering refugees language courses and providing them with an induction into their rights and employing translators in health clinics to improve access to healthcare.

A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism at the University of the Witwatersrand, 2016 / Economic migrants to South Africa face a hostile reception; periodic displays of widespread xenophobia have highlighted the myths and stereotypes that still abound about foreigners - that they are job-stealers, criminals and a threat to our nation’s well-being. The Department of Home Affairs recently brought in new immigration laws that raise the barriers to entry and participation in the South African economy and society. Yet a back door has been left wide open for economic migrants, often unskilled and with no other options, to enter South Africa, live and work. For six consecutive years South Africa was the number one destination for asylum seekers globally and the influx has caused the refugee determination process to become clogged and corrupt, leaving genuine refugees vulnerable and hundreds of thousands of foreigners in an unhappy limbo. The accompanying narrative long form journalism piece highlights some of the fault lines in the government’s uncoordinated and inconsistent migration policy. Overall the project seeks to personalize some of the key challenges and contentious issues faced by migrants to South Africa. It aims to puts a human face to a bureaucratic process by accessing the stories of marginalized migrants, giving them a voice to articulate their experiences in South Africa. The accompanying method document outlines some of the academic research underpinning the study. / GR2017

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of migration is as old as that of mankind. However, the magnitude of its impact is extremely acute today as we are confronted by the manifold consequences of globalisation. Scores of people from different parts of the world leave their homes every day in quest of personal, economic, political, social, environmental, emotional and spiritual freedom or security, amongst other things. In South Africa, the local population has been witnessing floods of such people entering the country since 1994. They all have one thing in common: enduring foreignness and all its consequences at liberty rather than living with neither liberty nor safety in their own countries. However, most South Africans understand less the context of the circumstances that lead to asylum-seeking or the challenges that asylum seekers and refugees among them face on a daily basis. They less appreciate refugees’ contribution in the country’s development and even lesser, the little attempts by refugees to prompt transformative change in the community. As a result, intolerance emerges and xenophobia transpires. There is a serious need to educate the society on the issues concerning refugees. This research explores different perspectives of forced human displacement (particularly the refugee phenomenon) with the purpose of finding better ways to educate the society on such matters. So, what should the church’s contribution be in educating the population on the question of refugees? In this study we prove that, first of all, the church is to provide refugees with a sense of belonging and homely warmth. That is, it should be the truest sanctuary for refugees by receiving them rather than keeping them apart. Then, it should build a bridge of understanding between refugees and the hosting community. This means the church is to be the reconciler of the two communities. Hence, this bridge of understanding is reconciliatory and leads to transformational development in society. The study is a collection of academic reflections, theological insights and empirical data from 271 participants nationwide. It is a multidisciplinary study (albeit researched within the frames of practical theology) that promotes human dignity for all. This it does by taking the challenges related to the refugee phenomenon and turning them into opportunities to be explored for the benefit of the community. Based on our findings, we give some recommendations to assist community workers and guide policy makers in their attempts to effect transformational change in the community and be effectively responsive to the needs of refugees in South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van menslike verskuiwing of migrasie is so oud soos dié van die mensdom. Die impak daarvan is egter deesdae baie ernstig soos wat ons gekonfronteer word met die veelvuldige gevolge van globalisering. Massas mense van verskillende dele van die wêreld verlaat elke dag hul woonplekke op soek na persoonlike, ekonomiese, politieke, sosiale, omgewings-, emosionele en geestelike vryheid of sekuriteit. In Suid-Afrika kan die plaaslike bevolking getuig van ‘n vloedgolf van sulke mense wat die land inkom sedert 1994. Hulle het almal een ding in gemeen: blywende vreemdelingskap en al die gevolge daarvan op die persoon se vryheid eerder as om te lewe met geen vryheid en geen veiligheid in hul eie lande. Die meeste Suid-Afrikaners verstaan nie die konteks van die omstandighede wat kan lei tot die soek van asiel of die uitdagings wat asielsoekers en vlugtelinge moet aanskou elke dag. Hulle waardeer nie vlugtelinge se bydrae tot die ontwikkeling van die land nie en nog minder die vlugtelinge se beperkte pogings om transformerende verandering in die gemeenskap te bewerk. As gevolg hiervan kom onverdraagsaamheid na vore en raak xenofobie sigbaar. Daar is 'n ernstige behoefte om die gemeenskap op te voed oor die kwessies rakende vlugtelinge. Hierdie navorsing verken verskillende perspektiewe oor menslike migrasie (veral die vlugtelinge-verskynsel) met die doel om beter maniere van gemeenskapsopvoeding te vind rakende sulke sake. Wat behoort die kerk se bydrae te wees tot die opvoeding van die bevolking oor die kwessie van vlugtelinge? In hierdie studie het ons bewys dat dit eerstens die kerk se taak is om 'n gevoel van ‘behoort’ en huislike warmte te verskaf. Dus moet dit ‘n ware toevlugsoord vir vlugtelinge wees waar hulle ontvang word eerder as om hulle op ‘n afstand te hou. So behoort dit 'n brug van begrip te bou tussen vlugtelinge en die gasheer-gemeenskap. Dit beteken dat die kerk die versoener van die twee gemeenskappe behoort te wees. Hierdie brug van begrip is versoenend en lei dus tot transformasie-ontwikkeling in die samelewing. Die studie is 'n versameling van akademiese oorwegings, teologiese insigte en empiriese data van 271 deelnemers landwyd. Dit is 'n multidissiplinêre studie (alhoewel die navorsing binne die raamwerk van die praktiese teologie gedoen is) wat menswaardigheid vir almal bevorder. Die word gedoen deur die uitdagings wat verwant is aan die vlugtelinge-verskynsel te gebruik en te omskep in geleenthede wat ondersoek kan word tot die voordeel van die gemeenskap. Gegrond op ons bevindinge, gee ons 'n paar aanbevelings om gemeenskapswerkers en gids beleidmakers by te staan in hul pogings om transformasie in die gemeenskap te bewerkstellig en effektief te reageer op die behoeftes van vlugtelinge in Suid-Afrika.

Thesis (Ph.D. ( Migration and Displacement))--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities, 2016. / This thesis explores how the Somali diaspora constitutes itself as a collectivity by analysing identity formation processes in an interconnected postmodern world, where migration has become much common than before, where identities are not as certain as they used to be and where a trans- local sense of being connected surpasses fix national borders. I propose the concept of the cosmopolitan refugee in order to explore how Somaliness is constructed in diasporic contexts, based on the interweaving of cosmopolitan, vernacular and national identifications. Moreover, Somaliness cannot be understood today without the influence of Islam, the cosmopolitan and political implications of belonging to the umma and the importance of being seen as a “good Muslim”. Using ethnographic and narrative data, this research takes a gendered approach and moves beyond the prevailing representations of Somali women in the global imagination by presenting alternative discourses and narratives that explore the dynamics of identity constructions these women undergo in relation to cultural, religious and gender practices in the two urban contexts of Nairobi and Johannesburg. These are two interconnected cities for the Somali diaspora that metaphorical operate as a port and as island. Both places are transitional places for Somalis and in both cities the creation of the “little Mogadishus” of Eastleigh, in Nairobi, and Mayfair, in Johannesburg, generates a particular trans-local situation in which collective identity, through the repetition of cultural and religious practices, is able to transform the urban space, at the same time that the implementation of these practices makes these places to be connected between them, to the lost homeland in Somalia and to any other place in the world Somalis inhabit these days. However, due to the bigger Somali population and the historical and geographical links with Somalia, Somalis in Nairobi develop greater feelings of belonging than in Johannesburg, where isolation seems to be the more widespread feeling. Somalis in Nairobi are more exposed to cosmopolitanism due to the relationship they have with the city, the fact that Eastleigh is a point of constant transit and an important commercial hub across the Somali diaspora all around the world, and the presence of Somalis belonging to different backgrounds. In Johannesburg, the Somali population is much smaller and the isolated situation most Somalis find make them use Somaliness as a way of resilience and demarcating difference, resulting in certain vernacular and religious practices being strengthened. In this sense, Nairobi is experienced by Somalis as more cosmopolitan than Johannesburg. Nevertheless in both contexts Somaliness is constructed around a sense of unity based on: a common place of origin and mythical past, a common language, religion and “culture”, implemented in the everyday life by the habitus of cultural and religious practices. This habitus together with a narrative of the nation being constructed in the virtual spaces of Facebook and Instagram creates a strong sense of belonging to an “imagined community”. Somaliness resides not within the boundaries of a nation-state but in a trans-local sense of being connected. / MT2017

Thesis is submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Town and Regional Planning) to the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, 2017 / Focusing on Zimbabwean migrants in Johannesburg, this thesis engages the ways in which diverse groups and individuals construct and negotiate spaces in the city. I have looked at how Zimbabwean migrants spatially respond to the regulatory and socio-economic environments within which they lead their everyday lives in Johannesburg. I emphasize the theme of heterogeneity, specifically highlighting the differentiated nature of Zimbabwean immigrants living in South Africa and discuss their movements and spatial identities. Theoretically, I have combined de Certeau's conception of space as represented by the schema of “strategies” of the powerful and the “tactics” of the subordinate with Bourdieu's concept of “habitus”, which operates within a field of social forces that are responsible for, and the result of, its emergence. Following my empirical engagements within the context of Johannesburg, I observe that, the initial decision by Zimbabwean migrants to move to South Africa, be it in search of work opportunities or forced by political circumstances, enable a structure that predisposes them (migrants) to continued mobility. Firstly, as transnational migrants who engage in frequent short term and long term movements between Zimbabwe and South Africa. Secondly, as transient residents of Johannesburg who frequently change residential addresses yet remain largely within the same spaces where they first arrive. Thirdly, as de Certeau's ordinary man who walks the city while engaged in everyday activities such as, shopping, going to places of employment, to places of education, etc. I theorise mobility as a way of making do and an inhabited space that migrants mobilise in contestation with the broader strategic entities such as the City of Johannesburg's regulatory platforms, South African citizens and other migrants. I also argue that, for migrants to engage in different mobility cycles and deploy mobility as a tactical resource, particular dispositions are necessary. I refer to these dispositions as the transnational migrant habitus, which operates within a transnational social field constituted by socio-cultural factors in both South Africa and Zimbabwe. Both, the transnational habitus and the transnational social field are hybrid social formations that are not reducible to either the Zimbabwean or the South African contexts that are responsible for their genesis and ongoing reconstitution. Methodologically, I employed a mixed methods research design, which refers to a procedure by which the researcher mixes two or more methods with different meta-theoretical assumptions in a single study in order to understand a research problem. I used mixed methods because I needed sufficient breadth to explore the diversity of Zimbabwean migrant experiences and spatial decision-making, but also sufficient depth to uncover the reasons for behaviours and decisions. / MT2018

Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 7, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 96-100).

This study examines the reintegration of South African political returnees into South African society from a sociological perspective after the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC), South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) in 1990. It specifically looks at the role of liberation movements, government, the International Organization For Migration (10M), the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees (UNHCR) and the South African Council of Churches (SACC) in the pre- and post- 1994 period. This study contends that for refugee reintegration to succeed, primary prerequisites include a relatively good and sustainable economy and, most significantly, positive governmental intervention. A central argument of the study is that the ANC-Ied government has played a significant role in the repatriation and long-term reintegration of political returnees. Of significance is the economic dimension of this process since it facilitates reintegration at the social level. The assessment of the role of the ANC-Ied government in the political returnee reintegration process is undertaken primarily through the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996 which constitute the focal point of analysis of this study. The findings of this research are that the International Organization For Migration, the United Nations High Commissioner For Refugees, the African National Congress, the Pan Africanist Congress, the South African Communist Party and the South African Council of Churches played a significant role in the repatriation and early reintegration of political returnees in South Africa in the pre-independence phase. In the post-independence period, the ANC led government played an important role in long-term reintegration through legislative means, namely, the Special Pension and Demobilization Acts of 1996. The recommendations of the study are that the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees should continue conducting large scale political refugee repatriations because of its expertise in international repatriation, programmes and processes of this magnitude. More research on the long-term socio-economic implications of the refugee reintegration process needs to be conducted in view of the fact that this area of study has not been sufficiently problematized. Finally, from a policy perspective, there is a need for governments with returning refugee populations to be more proactive in addressing this problem through legislative measures. / Sociology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Sociology)

A Research Report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Master of Arts, Applied Ethics for Professionals. Johannesburg, 2017 / Many asylum seekers and refugees in South Africa reportedly find it difficult to access basic health care services. The issue about foreign nationals in relation to health care can be considered from different angles. The concept of access, though, points to gate-keeping. Gate-keeping is the practice that guides decision making about who has access to what and to what extent they might enjoy benefits. In this essay, the question of whether gate-keeping is a morally justifiable practice in South Africa in relation to asylum seekers and refugees’ right to basic health care services is explored. It is concluded that carefully considered and consistently implemented gate-keeping might be a morally justifiable practice that could contribute to ensuring that resources are distributed fairly. It is also argued that the kind of gate-keeping often observed is inconsistent with human rights and Ubuntu precepts. These moral frameworks seem to be the main ones shaping the view of most South Africans as well as our institutional arrangements. Considering the current South African context in which asylum seekers and refugees have difficulty in accessing basic health care services, patriotic bias claims are considered. However, it is concluded that partiality towards compatriots ought not to hold sway when any human being’s basic needs are at stake. / MT2018

Dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Migration and Displacement Studies, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand April 2016 / Responding to inadequacies and limitations of current causal explanations for xenophobic violence which has become a long standing feature in post-Apartheid South Africa, this study proposes a Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence that provides a comprehensive empirically-based and theoretically informed causal explanation. It is a multivariate empirical and integrated theoretical explanatory model that identifies and explains the roles of - and the complex interplays between - the key determinants of xenophobic violence consisting of underlying causes, proximate factors and triggers. The six key determinants the model identifies are: deprivation, xenophobic beliefs, collective discontent, political economy, mobilization and governance. This study argues that these determinants and their interconnections in a value-added process constitute the necessary and sufficient conditions for the occurrence of xenophobic violence. I call it the governance model because of the predominant role governance plays in the occurrence of xenophobic violence. With underlying causes (deprivation, xenophobia and collective discontent) already established, the study pays particular attention to the often missed proximate factors and triggers (the political economy of the violence, mobilization and governance). It is through the findings on these new factors that the study introduces new empirical and theoretical insights and innovations to the understanding of, not only, xenophobic violence in South Africa but also collective violence generally. First, this study argues that xenophobic violence in South Africa is just ‘politics by other means and by doing so brings to the fore the often missed centrality of micro-politics and localised political economy factors as key drivers of collective violence particularly communal violence. Second, the study argues that that the triggers of xenophobic violence and of collective violence generally lie in the mobilization processes and not in the grievances and ensuing discontent as argued by many theoretical approaches to collective violence. The study suggests a new theoretical model, the Mobilization of Discontent Model, which captures the increasingly recognised centrality of mobilization as a trigger of collective violence. Third, the study argues that governance is a key determinant of xenophobic and collective violence but not necessary in ways often assumed or prescribed by time-honoured and widely accepted theoretical predictions, particularly those contending that collective violence and other forms of contentious collective action tend to occur in societies where mechanisms of social control have lost their restraining power. By demonstrating that local governance deliberately facilitated the occurrence of xenophobic violence in areas where it occurred by providing what I term micro-political opportunity structures, the study calls into question the common understating of the relationship between governance and collective violence and reveals some aspects of this relationship that are either misunderstood or undetected until now. The Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence this study proposes is an innovation that clearly illustrates the poverty of most explanatory models of collective violence, which makes it an appropriate tool for integrating empirical and theoretical knowledge from different disciplines and for identifying gaps in existing scholarship. / MT2017