This thesis explores how the mining of bauxite and diamonds enabled the coexistence of regime stability and social insecurity in Guinea under the regimes of Presidents Sékou Touré (1958- 1984) and Lansana Conté (1984-2008). Expanding on Soares de Oliviera’s (2007) analytical framework of the ‘successful failed state’ and the ‘social contract’ as developed by Nugent (2010), this thesis examines how the Republic of Guinea, despite decades of political repression and the mismanagement of its mineral resources, has so far not fallen victim to the extreme consequences of the so-called ‘resource curse’. The thesis shows that Touré and Conté avoided large-scale armed conflict by using mineral resources to strengthen their regimes, which in turn facilitated the emergence of different forms of ‘social contracts’. Despite the coercive nature of both regimes, the presence of mineral resources also opened up a space for bargaining amongst actors involved in the sector including the state, local communities and private mining companies. As a result, a variety of ‘social contracts’ emerged in Guinea. Whilst artisanal mining became a key source of income for the rural population, industrial mining catered to the revenue needs of the regime in power. The thesis focuses specifically on bauxite and diamond mining in Guinea and how they contributed to the coexistence of regime stability and social insecurity in Guinea. While some studies have been undertaken on bauxite, there have not been detailed studies of the role of diamond mining in Guinea’s post independence political history. The thesis makes an original contribution in comparing and contrasting the contribution of bauxite and diamond mining to larger political dynamics. The thesis offers a clearer understanding of issues that contribute to regime stability and how the presence of mineral resources facilitates the emergence of different ‘social contracts’.

What defines demagogues and what sort of threat do they pose to democracy? Contemporary politics has recently witnessed a rise in demagogic leaders around the globe. Following this trend, many notable scholars have sought to better define the ancient term and to provide politics with advice on how to handle them. However, demagogy is hard to define, and research is divided over what truly makes for a demagogue. Scholars tend to either focus on the intention, the tools, or the effects of leaders to categorize demagogy. While they might disagree over which aspect of demagogy is most salient, they are more unanimous in their claims regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. Before we outright condemn demagogy, I argue that we should better understand the phenomenon and its relationship to democracy. This dissertation turns to Machiavelli and Aristotle in order to better grasp and better define the phenomenon of demagogy. I first build a concept of demagogy through Aristotle's Politics and then use that concept to detect a similar phenomenon within the work of Machiavelli. In many ways Aristotle and Machiavelli affirm the claims of contemporary scholars, especially regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. According to both thinkers, demagogy involves the use of factions, class enmities, and the corruption of law. Possibly more troubling, both show how the methods of demagogy remain an ever-present possibility to democratic rule. Nevertheless, Aristotle and Machiavelli disagree with contemporary scholarship on how to address the problem of demagogy. Rather than seek out ways to constrain the demagogue, the two philosophers dedicate themselves to providing an education to demagogues. Even more surprisingly, this dissertation argues that both have covertly tried to persuade others to adopt the methods of demagogy for the sake of better preserving democracy and perhaps even to improve upon it.

Analyzing the various factors that strengthened the Hashemite regime's stability during the spread of chaos caused by the Arab Spring is deemed important; even though the wave of the Arab Spring has ended, Jordan's economy is still suffering and the public is still demanding reform nonetheless, the Hashemite regime is untouched. This research will analyze the regime-society bond in light of the Arab Uprising that has undoubtedly assisted in the survival of the kingdom by creating a framework by which protesters unconsciously adhered to that entailed calls for political and economic reform to be initiated by the existing regime. Furthermore, the Hashemite's most powerful allies made sure to provide military and financial assistance to ensure the regime and the kingdoms remain secure and stable. However, such aid did not come without a price; it was critical for the Hashemite regime to balance between maintaining its coordinated strategies with its allies to maintain the close relations and maintaining its sovereignty and the foreign policies that serve national interests.

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