The current problem of environmental deterioration is the result of society's perceived independence from nature. Through adoption of a systems perspective, however, one recognizes the need to relate man to his natural environment. In particular the concept of the ecosystem provides a theoretical model that recognizes the complex interdependence of man, land, and living systems. The development and application of the ecosystem concept suggests a variety of necessary changes regarding the traditional view of man/environment relationships and their incorporation into the planning process. These changes include: (1) the necessity of recognizing the symbiotic relationship between man and land; (2) the development of a boundary-oriented view of ecosystem stability; and (3) the need to adopt a planning strategy involving small yet diverse interventions to provide alternatives of action, maximum diversity of public choice, and systems stability. In the present study the theoretical and practical aspects of the ecosystem concept are applied to a specific land-use planning problem study to determine: (1) man-other organisms-physical environment interrelations; (2) the ecological implications of alternative development proposals upon those relationships; and (3) proposals for a comprehensive land-use plan recognizing the integrity of the ecosystem. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

by Lee Wai Ying, Joanna. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-179). / ABSTRACT --- p.ii / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iii / ABBREVIATIONS --- p.iv / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.viii / LIST OF APPENDIX --- p.ix / LIST OF FIGURES --- p.x / LIST OF MAP --- p.xi / LIST OF TABLES --- p.xii / CHAPTER / Chapter 1 --- INTRODUCTION / Chapter 1.1 --- The Research Problem --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Objectives --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Methodology --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- Significance of the Research --- p.5 / Chapter 1.5 --- Organisation of the Thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- ROLES OF DEVELOPMENT PLANS IN PLANNING : A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2 --- The Roles of Development Plans in Hong Kong Planning --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- A Review of the Literature --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Discussion of the Problems of Existing Literature --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3 --- Roles of Development Plans : A Discussion of Western Conceptualisation --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- The Aggregated Perspective --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Disaggregated Perspective --- p.22 / Chapter 2.4 --- Summary --- p.28 / Chapter 3 --- THE CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.29 / Chapter 3.2 --- The Philosophical Framework --- p.29 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Understanding of the Realist Perspective --- p.30 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Application of the Realist Perspective --- p.33 / Chapter 3.3 --- Operational Framework Perspective in the Present Research Problem --- p.34 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Abstract Analysis --- p.36 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Concrete Analysis --- p.37 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- The Macro Level (Extensive Analysis) --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- The Micro Level (Intensive Analysis) --- p.40 / Chapter 3.4 --- Summary --- p.44 / Chapter 4 --- ABSTRACT ANALYSIS - FROM THE GOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS WITH THE ECONOMY AND SOCIETY TO DEVELOPMENT PLAN SYSTEM IN HONG KONG / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.46 / Chapter 4.2 --- "Relations among Government, Economy and Societyin Hong Kong" --- p.48 / Chapter 4.3 --- The Planning system of Hong Kong --- p.52 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Development Plan System --- p.54 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Roles of Development Plans in Planning Application- - a Discussion of Stages --- p.62 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Stage 1 -- the Submission of Application --- p.62 / Chapter 4.3.2.2 --- Stage 2 -- the Negotiation Process --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Stage 3 -- the Application Process is Completed --- p.70 / Chapter 4.4 --- Summary --- p.72 / Chapter 5 --- USE OF DEVELOPMENT PLANS IN THE PLANNING APPLICATIONS OF SHATIN / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.77 / Chapter 5.2 --- Planning Applications in Shatin --- p.77 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- An Aggregated Picture --- p.77 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Temporal and Spatial Analyses --- p.89 / Chapter 5.3 --- Content Analysis of the Letters of Notification --- p.95 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- A Methodological Note --- p.95 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Rejected Planning Applications --- p.97 / Chapter 5.3.2.1 --- Applications in Industrial and Residential Zones --- p.97 / Chapter 5.3.2.2 --- Applications in Green Belts --- p.101 / Chapter 5.3.2.3 --- A Comparison --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- "Conditional Approved, Approved with Time Limit and Temporary Approved Cases" --- p.104 / Chapter 5.3.3.1 --- Applications in Industrial and Residential Zones --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.3.2 --- Applications in Green Belts --- p.108 / Chapter 5.3.3.3 --- A Comparison --- p.109 / Chapter 5.4 --- Discussion of the Macro Analysis --- p.110 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Plan-led Development Control System --- p.111 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Development Plans and TPB Guidelines --- p.114 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- Variation in the Use of Development Plans among Different Contexts --- p.117 / Chapter 5.5 --- Summary --- p.119 / Chapter 6 --- INTENSIVE CASE STUDIES / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.120 / Chapter 6.2 --- A Methodological Note --- p.120 / Chapter 6.3 --- Planning Application ST/185 --- p.122 / Chapter 6.3.1 --- Planning Context --- p.122 / Chapter 6.3.2 --- Roles of Development Plans in Different Stages of Planning Applications --- p.125 / Chapter 6.3.2.1 --- Stage One -- the Submission Stage --- p.125 / Chapter 6.3.2.2 --- Stage Two -- the Negotiation Stage --- p.126 / Chapter 6.3.2.3 --- Stage Three -- the Completion Stage --- p.128 / Chapter 6.3.3 --- Summary --- p.128 / Chapter 6.4 --- Planning Application ST/186 --- p.130 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- Planning Context --- p.130 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- Roles of Development Plans in Different Stages of Planning Application --- p.132 / Chapter 6.4.2.1 --- Stage One -- the Submission Stage --- p.132 / Chapter 6.4.2.2 --- Stage Two -- the Negotiation Stage --- p.133 / Chapter 6.4.2.3 --- Stage Three -- the Completion Stage --- p.134 / Chapter 6.4.2.4 --- Review Stage --- p.135 / Chapter 6.4.2.5 --- Appeal Stage --- p.135 / Chapter 6.4.3 --- Summary --- p.136 / Chapter 6.5 --- Planning Application MOS/OO8 --- p.140 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- Planning Context --- p.140 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- Roles of Development Plans in Different Stages of Planning Application --- p.141 / Chapter 6.5.2.1 --- Stage One -- the Submission Stage --- p.141 / Chapter 6.5.2.2 --- Stage Two -- the Negotiation Stage --- p.142 / Chapter 6.5.2.3 --- Stage Three -- the Completion Stage --- p.145 / Chapter 6.5.2.4 --- Review Stage --- p.145 / Chapter 6.5.3 --- Summary --- p.146 / Chapter 6.6 --- Discussion of the Micro Analysis --- p.149 / Chapter 6.6.1 --- Variations in the Roles of Development Plans --- p.150 / Chapter 6.6.2 --- Implications on the Nature of the Planning Application Process --- p.154 / Chapter 6.7 --- Summary --- p.155 / Chapter 7 --- CONCLUSIONS / Chapter 7.1 --- Summary --- p.157 / Chapter 7.2 --- Implications of the Study --- p.161 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- Theoretical Advancement --- p.161 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- Policy Recommendation --- p.163 / Chapter 7.3 --- Directions for Future Research --- p.164 / APPENDICE --- p.166 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.171

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries

The Canadian political economy school has argued since the late 1960s that Canada shares economic and social characteristics with semi-colonial third world countries. Consistent with this 'dependency' influenced assessment of the Canadian social formation it has also usually argued that national economic sovereignty should be a strategic concern in popular and socialist programs. This study critically evaluates this view of the economic and social context for planning interventions in Canada, in particular by examining the main empirical evidence traditionally advanced in its favour, namely the relative extent of foreign economic control in the Canadian economy. The study first reviews the various characterizations of Canada in the political economy literature, with an emphasis on the empirical evidence offered in their support. It then extends and broadens previous examinations of foreign economic control in Canada using recently released Statistics Canada data on foreign control of corporate assets and revenue up to 1992, and by comparing Canada with other OECD countries on the basis of the extent of inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI). The studies main findings are that: i) The exclusion of the financial industries in most previous discussions of the level of foreign economic control in Canada has resulted in the actual level being overstated - in nominal terms, by about one-quarter; ii) Contrary to dependency influenced predictions of the period, foreign control of the Canadian economy decreased very significantly after the early 1970s, though this declining trend apparently ended and even partially reversed after the mid 1980s. Given the central place of the US in dependency accounts it is notable that the decline in US economic control has been greater than for all foreign control, and does not appear to have recovered in the recent period up to 1992; iii) The dependency influenced categorization of Canada with countries like 'semicolonial' Argentina or even 'peripheral' Spain cannot be sustained when the evidence shows that in absolute, but especially relative terms, Canada ranks as a world leader in the scale of direct investments held in other countries. Canadian FDI in the US has also been growing considerably faster than has US FDI in Canada; iv) The level of foreign economic penetration in Canada is notably higher than most OECD countries. However, when the relative size of the Canadian economy, a 'natural' degree of continental integration and recent trends among other OECD countries are considered, Canada is not as exceptional in this regard as has often been suggested. The study concludes that this evidence indicates that Canada is more accurately conceived of as a major advanced capitalist country than a dependent (if rich) semi-colony, and that planning interventions based on the latter assessment are not only likely to fail, they are a major diversion from the required strategy.

No description available.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1967. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

The Canadian political economy school has argued since the late 1960s that Canada shares economic and social characteristics with semi-colonial third world countries. Consistent with this 'dependency' influenced assessment of the Canadian social formation it has also usually argued that national economic sovereignty should be a strategic concern in popular and socialist programs. This study critically evaluates this view of the economic and social context for planning interventions in Canada, in particular by examining the main empirical evidence traditionally advanced in its favour, namely the relative extent of foreign economic control in the Canadian economy. The study first reviews the various characterizations of Canada in the political economy literature, with an emphasis on the empirical evidence offered in their support. It then extends and broadens previous examinations of foreign economic control in Canada using recently released Statistics Canada data on foreign control of corporate assets and revenue up to 1992, and by comparing Canada with other OECD countries on the basis of the extent of inward and outward foreign direct investment (FDI). The studies main findings are that: i) The exclusion of the financial industries in most previous discussions of the level of foreign economic control in Canada has resulted in the actual level being overstated - in nominal terms, by about one-quarter; ii) Contrary to dependency influenced predictions of the period, foreign control of the Canadian economy decreased very significantly after the early 1970s, though this declining trend apparently ended and even partially reversed after the mid 1980s. Given the central place of the US in dependency accounts it is notable that the decline in US economic control has been greater than for all foreign control, and does not appear to have recovered in the recent period up to 1992; iii) The dependency influenced categorization of Canada with countries like 'semicolonial' Argentina or even 'peripheral' Spain cannot be sustained when the evidence shows that in absolute, but especially relative terms, Canada ranks as a world leader in the scale of direct investments held in other countries. Canadian FDI in the US has also been growing considerably faster than has US FDI in Canada; iv) The level of foreign economic penetration in Canada is notably higher than most OECD countries. However, when the relative size of the Canadian economy, a 'natural' degree of continental integration and recent trends among other OECD countries are considered, Canada is not as exceptional in this regard as has often been suggested. The study concludes that this evidence indicates that Canada is more accurately conceived of as a major advanced capitalist country than a dependent (if rich) semi-colony, and that planning interventions based on the latter assessment are not only likely to fail, they are a major diversion from the required strategy. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Planning procedural theories articulate how planning agencies should deal with uncertainty. This thesis evaluates the appropriateness of three such theories--Rational Comprehensive (RC), Disjointed Incrementalism (DI), and Social Learning (SL)--in a context of resource region uncertainty. The thesis first proposes guidelines from Northeast British Columbia (NEBC) planning experience; the guidelines are informed by the successes, failures, and issues evident from agency responses to uncertainty and together propose that agencies should be centrally concerned with understanding the conditions--or the generic nature--of uncertainty. The thesis then uses these guidelines as standards by which- the three planning theories are evaluated. The evaluation reveals that the three theories generally ignore factors governing how agencies formulate and apply knowledge in the face of uncertainty. Future theory-building should elaborate how planning procedures can adduce the incisive understanding of uncertainty needed for policy design. 1. Export Market Uncertainty. The first condition identified in NEBC is that export market uncertainty varies by depth; that is, some events form and frequency are more readily predictable than others. Classifying depths of uncertainty enables agencies to decide whether so-called risk strategies-- which presume knowledge of probabilities--should be employed. If used' in NEBC, RC and DI styles would, befitting their namesakes, produce distinct descriptions of export market uncertainties; both, however, fail to provide the analytical knowledge needed for policy design. More meaningful information results from SL’s focus on understanding the predictability of events; this strength, however, is limited as SL does not explain how its decentralized planning structures would integrate the diverse views needed to properly classify the depths of export market uncertainties. A second condition is that uncertain events vary by location. In NEBC, some unpredictable export market forces could be stabilized by planning policies whereas others were truly ‘external’. Agencies should identify those export market forces which could be treated by policy and then estimate the costs and benefits of such assertive policy. This task can minimize costly and unpredictable boom-bust cycles. None of the three theories suggest the need for such an assessment, apparently assuming that an agency has little discretion or little to gain in dealing with export market forces. 2. Natural Systems Uncertainty. Natural systems uncertainties should also be classified by depth. As for export market uncertainty, RC and DI do not envision such a process; SL, in contrast, recognizes the need to classify depths, but it is unclear how a wide-based review required in NEBC could be achieved by a SL ‘decentralized’ planning hierarchy. Non-scientific factors determine how scientists select and apply scientific theories in the resolution of natural systems uncertainty. That economic, social, and cultural factors can distort predictability is a condition recognized in the philosophy of science, but unfortunately it attracts little attention in the three subject theories. 3. Uncertainty over Planning Agency Intentions. Many agencies participate in NEBC regional planning, raising the spectre of costly policy contradictions and duplications. Agencies, however, face financial and intelligence limitations, and therefore need to explicitly consider the need for and costs and benefits of consultation. All three theories hail the need to consult but naively assume that analysts will somehow define an appropriate level of consultation. 4. Public Value Uncertainty. In NEBC, social and economic factors dictate that agencies will obtain a necessarily limited view of public values. Planning agencies need to carefully assess the potentially high costs and benefits of public participation (or non-participation). All theories stress the need to survey public values, but SL’s mutual learning would best clarify policy alternatives attuned to local values. Mutual learning, however, is not a panacea, as it overlooks political reluctance to use it and ignores how non-participating societal groups should be engaged in the process. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

No description available.

Kansas State University master's non-thesis project. / Digitized by Kansas State University Libraries