<p>It was the purpose of this study to demonstrate that the government of Namibia has been seeking to adopt structures and procedures that will contribute to the realization of general national development. Decentralization in any country takes place in a political context and its implementation assumes some political significance, as it is not merely a matter of centralization or decentralization of government functions and procedures, but both centralization and decentralization tendencies exist and reinforce each other in practice. This study argues that the dynamic features of decentralization and its implementation in Namibia have been shaped by central government's view, through the ministry of regional and local government and housing, of the concept decentralization. The objectives of this study were to provide a critical understanding of the theoretical foundation of the concept decentralization.</p>

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Political Science, March 1999. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xvii, 307 p.; also includes graphics (some col.). Includes bibliographical references (p. 283-307).

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / It was the purpose of this study to demonstrate that the government of Namibia has been seeking to adopt structures and procedures that will contribute to the realization of general national development. Decentralization in any country takes place in a political context and its implementation assumes some political significance, as it is not merely a matter of centralization or decentralization of government functions and procedures, but both centralization and decentralization tendencies exist and reinforce each other in practice. This study argues that the dynamic features of decentralization and its implementation in Namibia have been shaped by central government's view, through the ministry of regional and local government and housing, of the concept decentralization. The objectives of this study were to provide a critical understanding of the theoretical foundation of the concept decentralization. / South Africa

This thesis takes as its point of departure the debate on federalism that emerged in Italy in the years preceding the unification of 1861 and that resumed in the early 1990s, a debate mainly revolving around the profound socio-economic differences between the North and the South of the country. Torn between continuous centripetal and centrifugal forces, but not characterized by ethnic connotations, the Italian regional model implemented with the 1948 constitution and strengthened in 2001 elicits questions that intersect with topical debates engaging scholars across the globe, and displays features that have the potential to stimulate fruitful discussions both inside and outside Italian borders. While the present state of Italian regionalism remains ambiguous, the Italian regional model distils lessons coming from different theoretical experiences, including federalism, sub-state nationalism, and the European unification process. Therefore, it can be seen as an innovative experiment crafted by those who were looking for a compromise between unitary and federal schemes. Adopting a theoretical framework combining literature on federalism, regionalism and sub-state national theory, this thesis addresses a number of questions that help fill a gap in scholarship. The thesis discusses the relationship between federalism and regionalism, arguing that regionalism is an overarching term that incorporates diverse experiences; consequently, the regional state paradigm to which Italy is usually associated is just one of the many shapes that regionalism can take. The research also identifies the elements enabling us to differentiate between a federal and a regional model, as well as the advantages of opting for a regional scheme (as opposed to a federal one). The socio-economic tensions between the North and the South of Italy offer the ideal basis to discuss non-national differences, an expression used to indicate political and socio-economic communities located within a geographical territory displaying some de facto asymmetries compared to the state-wide community, seeking some form of acknowledgement of their specificity. The thesis argues that national differences (e.g. differences based on linguistic, religious or other cultural issues) are not the only ones requiring attention, and it identifies a number of legal and constitutional stratagems that could be used to address non-national difference. Also, the recognition of non-national difference may also help find a solution to issues regarding sub-state national recognition. Finally, the thesis tries to find a point of reconciliation between federalism and solidarity, particularly in the context of non-national difference. The Italian regional experience serves once again as the point of departure to discuss whether federalism and solidarity are conflicting ideas, and to open a discussion regarding the exact contours of solidarity, especially in its horizontal understanding.

How can the architecture of an urban living room, in the form of a regenerative performed arts and market intervention, stimulate the sustainable development of urban communities in Pretoria? This dissertation investigates the practice of regional architectural to express and develop a sustainable architectural identity within the dilapidated city landscapes of Pretoria. Revitalisation of the urban environment is enabled by creating opportunities for social and economic interaction within the public realm and supporting it with architectural design solutions aimed at mediating oppressive and restrictive boundaries . / Mini-Dissertation (MArch (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2021. / Architecture / MArch (Prof) / Unrestricted

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During the last decades a stronger role for the regions has developed in many West European countries. To a significant degree this regionalisation trend has coincided with European integration. The key change in the role of the regional level has been with regard to its status as an agent of regional development. In most West European countries there has been a shift from an approach to regional policy that has focused on redistributive measures from the centre in which the regions play a relatively weak role to a perspective that is sometimes labelled “new regionalism” in which the focus is on the region taking responsibility for its own development. In this new regionalist perspective, which is both descriptive and normative, the region is considered as the appropriate arena for both economic activities and decision-making. In the political systems of the Nordic countries the regional level has traditionally been in a relatively weak position and regional policy has emphasized centralisation and redistributive measures. Not unexpectedly, the pan-European trend toward a stronger role for the region has also found its way to the Nordic countries. The aim of this study is to describe and analyze if and to what extent key actors in three peripheral regions, situated in countries with a strong tradition of redistribution from the centre and a weak role for the regional level, have embraced the new regionalist perspective. The three regions are Troms in Norway, Pohjois-Pohjanmaa in Finland and Västerbotten in Sweden. All are peripherally located with small populations and economies that rely heavily on natural resources. The analysis is based on interviews with regional and local politicians, civil servants, and business representatives. The empirical material is presented in the form of narratives formulated by the regional actors who express their views on regional policy and the role of the region. The results of the study show that regional actors in the three peripheries express similar narratives. To a certain degree actors have embraced the new regionalist perspective in the sense that they see the regional level as an important coordinator for development initiatives and measures. However, the actors’ claims for a stronger regional level must be understood in the context of the unitary state. In this context, the actors’ perspective combines the new regionalist and the centralist redistributive approach, one that can be labelled ‘redistributive regionalism’. The state remains the key actor and is expected to guarantee equal conditions in all parts of the country. The emphasis on strengthening the administrative region is more pronounced in Troms and Västerbotten than in Pohjois-Pohjanmaa, where instead there is a stronger focus on the functional region. Actors in the three regions do not see any contradiction between a strong state and increased regional influence on development issues. In sum, the study finds that the new regionalist perspective has been embraced to a certain extent but that it has been adapted to national characteristics, as well as to the specific conditions in the three regions.

The presented study is an analysis of the regional integration process of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ASEAN utilizing theories of international relations and integration. The dissertation studies the factors which contributed to its formation, evolution and transformation and the perspectives of its further development. ASEAN was established by virtue of Bangkok Declaration signed on August 8, 1967 among Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore and Thailand. Subsequently Brunei joined the Association in 1984, Vietnam 1995, Laos and Myanmar 1997 and Cambodia 1999. ASEAN's formation falls within the process of creating of regional organizations after World War II, a period of the biggest development of the institutionalization of the international cooperation. Association was based on relatively free and voluntary cooperation and political declarations. With the end of Cold War and bipolarity, with the defeat of communism and the advent of political and economic reforms in the former socialist bloc ASEAN institutionally strengthened and transformed itself, expanded its membership and the decision to form ASEAN Free Trade Area AFTA in 1992 and the Treaty on the Common Effective Preferential Tariffs shifted Association from the stage of cooperation to integration. ASEAN becomes an international organization (based on international legal agreement with the objectives, principles, internal structure etc.) through the adoption of the Charter in 2008. The Charter is the symbol of the transition process from voluntary cooperation based on political declarations to creation of an intergovernmental organization with international legal personality and legal contractual basis for community building, to strengthen the norms and principles. ASEAN has functioned over 40 years based on personal, very frequent and regular contacts between the key elites (who have significantly contributed to its creation and development), as a grouping of common practice and an emerging common identity. It is a form of intergovernmental cooperation, where member states have exclusive position in the decision process; there are no supranational institutions that would have exclusive powers. ASEAN is the initiator of the development of regionalism in Asia, a considerable number of international structures, inter-and trans-regional contacts, forums and programs. Its activities after the Cold War fall into the framework of the new regionalism The thesis tries to point out possible perspectives for its future path, especially in connection to recently born special cooperation ASEAN+3 (China, Republic of Korea, Japan) and plans for building of East Asian Community (ASEAN+3, Australia, New Zealand, India) and its Free Trade Area. Basic characteristics of ASEAN integration process: it takes place in Southeast Asia, it is a process and a state, it consists of economic, political, security, social and cultural part, the emphasis is on economic affairs, its origin is in the postwar period, the main actors are the states and their elites (from the 90's NGO's, think-tanks and civil society become active creating a broad network of socio-cultural relations and interactions), integration expands by the process of ASEAN +3 and EAS, there is a spillover effect within and outside ASEAN, integration process is gradually evolving from a lower to a higher level. Carried out research has its limitations, since it is impossible to generalize the results and formulate a clear assessment of the large international complex, the information is always limited and the social process is miscellaneous. Well-known is the fact that political elites do not act according to the theories, which they often do not know, but based on their own understanding of reality and interests of individual states, eventually groups of countries. No theory is able to explain fully the evolution of ASEAN, failing to capture reality in its full extent, and thus the prospects for the future are some speculations. From the theoretical examination of ASEAN I elect neofuncionalism, since ASEAN represents a process of empowerment, where elites play a crucial role; they share many values and objectives and contribute to the integration process. The rise of transactions in the regional grouping (trade, communication, exchange of ideas), gradually creates a sense of common identity, elites have closer contacts and their values are complementary. Southeast Asia should occupy an important place in the Czech Republic's foreign policy, taking advantage of traditional contacts with the region. Priority should be given to economic ties and active political involvement in the multilateral framework of ASEM, an important part of political dialogue should be question of human rights.