Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-113).

Since the early 20th century, students across the United States have been learning sexual education in public classrooms. Although American society has made many advancements and social changes since then, the curriculum of sexual education has remained stagnant. It continues to stress the concept of “social hygiene,” promoting white, heterosexual norms while demoralizing adolescent sexuality (McCarty-Caplan 2013). Since the 1980’s, the federal government has created three federally funded programs to promote abstinence-only sexual education. Although there are no federal laws or policies that dictate states or districts must provide sexual education, the programs have pressured the boards and districts to teach what the federal government is promoting. Most importantly, these ideologies are being pushed on to the government by the Religious Right. This study examines the attitudes towards sexual education and the attitudes towards topics that are associated with the curriculum. The findings imply that religion and political identification play the largest role in influencing these attitudes, which explains the current state of sexual education.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Georgetown University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of North Texas, Dec., 2008. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wyoming, 2009. / Title from PDF title page (viewed on Apr. 7, 2010). Includes bibliographical references (p. 90-96).

This dissertation addresses the question of the foreign policy views of the leading spokespeople for the Religious Right in the United States since the end of World War II. The analysis begins with the early years of the Cold War, focusing on the religious overtones that quickly became part of America's efforts at confronting Soviet communism. The fight against "godless" communism led to an increased emphasis on the religious character of the United States. This emphasis on religion elevated the prestige of religious conservatives, granting them a voice in both domestic and foreign policy matters. The dissertation examines how during the 1970s many religious conservatives believed that the United States had entered a period of spiritual decline. This view had a direct impact on their foreign policy views because they connected their perception of this domestic moral decay with their fears concerning what they saw as America's international decline during this same period. The dissertation discusses the specific foreign policy views of religious conservatives on issues such as defense spending, nuclear buildup, détente, foreign aid, and the end of the Cold War. It also describes how those in the Religious Right worked to find common cause with other groups within the growing conservative coalition. An analysis of their specific views demonstrates that religious conservatives often used their views on foreign-policy issues as ways to build stronger ties with, and strengthen their position in, the conservative coalition. Finally, the dissertation shows that the religious beliefs, eschatological views, and political considerations of religious conservatives led those individuals to put great emphasis on the United States' relationship with, and support for the State of Israel throughout the Cold War. After the Cold War ended, members of the religious right continued to emphasize the importance of American-Israeli relations, partially in an effort to maintain some level of relevance and credibility on foreign policy issues, and partially because the new global war on terror realigned American international priorities in a way that once again made Israel a key ally against the "forces of evil" in the world.

This dissertation examines possible differences in media habits and tastes between Christians and non-Christians. The study utilizes data from singles Internet personal advertisements to determine whether or not Christians, especially those with high levels of religiosity or who may be part of the Christian Right, have different television viewing patterns. Three models were developed using multivariate data analysis and logistic regression to examine Christians' television viewing habits regarding reality shows, soap operas, and news. The first model looks at the viewing habits of Christians, the second model examines the viewing habits of Christians attending religious services at least monthly, and the third model analyzes the viewing habits of Christians attending religious services at least monthly and having conservative political views. No significant differences were found in viewing habits between Christians and non-Christians for any of the three models. Although the results of this study cannot be generalized to Christians as a whole, they suggest that Christians in this sample might have adopted secular practices with regard to their television viewing habits.

In 1953 a small, seemingly insignificant, church was founded in Winter Park, Florida. By the early 1970s, Calvary Assembly of God, a church that had started with a dirt floor, was declared one of the fastest growing churches in America with membership easily reaching over several thousands.1 In the late 1970s and 1980s, it became a major religious and political force in central Florida so much so that it had received visits from then presidential hopefuls Pat Robertson and Vice President George Bush. The changes that took place at Calvary Assembly, both politically and religiously, provided a microcosm of the rest of the nation, while at the same time, these changes made Calvary a leader within the charismatic neo-evangelical subculture. The incredible growth of Calvary Assembly is part of a larger narrative on the expansion of neoevangelicalism, and more specifically, the charismatic movement in the 1970s and 1980s, as well as, the growth of central Florida. As a result of their growth Calvary was able to launch, and participate in, many programs on both the local and national level. Religious orthodoxies seeped into the political and social thought of those at Calvary, which influenced, and helped to explain, how the church became politically active. Part I examines the growth of Calvary within the context of the growth of Central Florida and the growth of the charismatic movement, This section will include the founding of Charisma 1 Stephen Strang, “Calvary Assembly-Fastest Growing Sunday School in the U.S.,” Pentecostal Evangel, July 30, 1978, 6. iii magazine, major national events such as the Jesus Festivals, and the impact of charismatic revivalists. The impact of Calvary on the local community is another part of the story. Part II addresses the political bloc Calvary produced in central Florida. The church participated in and influenced national rallies such as “Washington for Jesus.” It shared its political views with central Florida through bulletins like Insight, which addressed moral issues like pornography, homosexuality, education and abortion. Calvary also used events like Freedom Celebration, and articles in Charisma to promote its views on American freedom. As a result local and national politicians and political groups recognized Calvary Assembly as a political powerhouse. Another part of the story is that Calvary and central Florida represented the local side of a national story on evangelicalism and national politics.

For more than half a century, gay rights organizations have sought cultural and political equality for lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals in society. The organization Soulforce continues that legacy, but from a distinctive perspective. Soulforce, has positioned itself in a unique playing field by speaking directly to religious leaders and organizations in attempt to alter their ideological underpinnings and subsequently garner their support for LGBT individuals. This level of persuasion is particularly difficult due to the fact that religious ideology is so strongly held and protected in American society. To evaluate the persuasive rhetoric of Soulforce, I conducted an ideological criticism of the documents published within the Soulforce website based on the foundation of McGee’s ideograph. The ideographs presented throughout the discourse coalesce to form the overarching ideology of Soulforce evidenced in the discourse. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender individuals experience unwarranted <suffering>, <injustice> and <discrimination> as a direct result of the <untruth> promoted by the religious institutions of America. This <untruth> is the consequence of Biblical misinterpretation coupled with the misunderstanding of modern scientific research resulting in fear and hate that subsequently cultivate <violence> and <suffering>. Only by directly confronting <untruth> with <truth> and exchanging <suffering> with <voluntary suffering> can the LGBT community educate the misinformed thereby delivering their own <justice>, <equality> and full acceptance within society. / Master of Arts

Thesis (M.A. (Human Rights))--Mahidol University, 2007. / LICL has E-Thesis 0025 ; please contact computer services.