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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
to find electronic theses and dissertations. This service is
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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Showing 11 to 20 of 20 (0.079 seconds)| 11 |
The Politics of “Choice”: Canadian Feminism and the Royal Commission on New Reproductive TechnologiesDaley, Tanya Dawn 28 September 2011 (has links)
The Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies developed rapidly in Canada after the birth of world’s first “test tube baby,” Louise Brown, in 1978. Canadian feminists, propelled by the women’s health movement, perceived these technologies as a threat to women’s control over their bodies, the gains made to redefine the identity “woman” against the biological tradition of “mother,” and against the safety and freedom of women based on race, disability and class. In response to the lobby efforts of the women’s movement under the Canadian Coalition for a Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies, the Mulroney government established a commission in 1989 to study the medical, legal, and social implications these technologies would have on Canadian society.
Through a qualitative analysis of manuscript and printed sources, this thesis explores the debate surrounding new reproductive technologies (NRTs) before and after the mandate of the Royal Commission (1989 to 1993). It discusses the views and positions of some of the key stakeholders such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, the Canadian Medical Association, the DisAbled Women’s Network, as well as adds the voice of infertile women through the Infertility Awareness Association of Canada.
This thesis also examines the controversy and discontent created by the Commission’s dismissal of several members, by the management’s style of its Chair, and by the final report’s narrow scope. In the end, the reaction to the report was one of considerable disappointment amongst all major stakeholders, starting with NAC, which claimed that its voice had not been heard. At the same time, the debate over NRTs illustrates NAC’s ongoing internal problems as it faced the challenge of “identity politics.”
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The Politics of “Choice”: Canadian Feminism and the Royal Commission on New Reproductive TechnologiesDaley, Tanya Dawn January 2011 (has links)
The Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies developed rapidly in Canada after the birth of world’s first “test tube baby,” Louise Brown, in 1978. Canadian feminists, propelled by the women’s health movement, perceived these technologies as a threat to women’s control over their bodies, the gains made to redefine the identity “woman” against the biological tradition of “mother,” and against the safety and freedom of women based on race, disability and class. In response to the lobby efforts of the women’s movement under the Canadian Coalition for a Royal Commission on New Reproductive Technologies, the Mulroney government established a commission in 1989 to study the medical, legal, and social implications these technologies would have on Canadian society.
Through a qualitative analysis of manuscript and printed sources, this thesis explores the debate surrounding new reproductive technologies (NRTs) before and after the mandate of the Royal Commission (1989 to 1993). It discusses the views and positions of some of the key stakeholders such as the National Action Committee on the Status of Women, the Canadian Medical Association, the DisAbled Women’s Network, as well as adds the voice of infertile women through the Infertility Awareness Association of Canada.
This thesis also examines the controversy and discontent created by the Commission’s dismissal of several members, by the management’s style of its Chair, and by the final report’s narrow scope. In the end, the reaction to the report was one of considerable disappointment amongst all major stakeholders, starting with NAC, which claimed that its voice had not been heard. At the same time, the debate over NRTs illustrates NAC’s ongoing internal problems as it faced the challenge of “identity politics.”
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Marijuana Australiana: Cannabis use, popular culture and the Americanisation of drugs policy in Australia, 1938-1988Jiggens, John Lawrence January 2004 (has links)
The word 'marijuana' was introduced to Australia by the US Bureau of Narcotics via the Diggers newspaper, Smith's Weekly, in 1938. Marijuana was said to be 'a new drug that maddens victims' and it was sensationally described as an 'evil sex drug'. The resulting tabloid furore saw the plant cannabis sativa banned in Australia, even though cannabis had been a well-known and widely used drug in Australia for many decades. In 1964, a massive infestation of wild cannabis was found growing along a stretch of the Hunter River between Singleton and Maitland in New South Wales. The explosion in Australian marijuana use began there. It was fuelled after 1967 by US soldiers on rest and recreation leave from Vietnam. It was the Baby-Boomer young who were turning on. Pot smoking was overwhelmingly associated with the generation born in the decade after the Second World War. As the conflict over the Vietnam War raged in Australia, it provoked intense generational conflict between the Baby-Boomers and older generations. Just as in the US, pot was adopted by Australian Baby-Boomers as their symbol; and, as in the US, the attack on pot users served as code for an attack on the young, the Left, and the alternative. In 1976, the 'War on Drugs' began in earnest in Australia with paramilitary attacks on the hippie colonies at Cedar Bay in Queensland and Tuntable Falls in New South Wales. It was a time of increasing US style prohibition characterised by 'tough-on-drugs' right-wing rhetoric, police crackdowns, numerous murders, and a marijuana drought followed quickly by a heroin plague; in short by a massive worsening of 'the drug problem'. During this decade, organised crime moved into the pot scene and the price of pot skyrocketed, reaching $450 an ounce in 1988. Thanks to the Americanisation of drugs policy, the black market made 'a killing'. In Marijuana Australiana I argue that the 'War on Drugs' developed -- not for health reasons -- but for reasons of social control; as a domestic counter-revolution against the Whitlamite, Baby-Boomer generation by older Nixonite Drug War warriors like Queensland Premier, Bjelke-Petersen. It was a misuse of drugs policy which greatly worsened drug problems, bringing with it American-style organised crime. As the subtitle suggests, Marijuana Australiana relies significantly on 'alternative' sources, and I trawl the waters of popular culture, looking for songs, posters, comics and underground magazines to produce an 'underground' history of cannabis in Australia. This 'pop' approach is balanced with a hard-edged, quantitative analysis of the size of the marijuana market, the movement of price, and the seizure figures in the section called 'History By Numbers'. As Alfred McCoy notes, we need to understand drugs as commodities. It is only through a detailed understanding of the drug trade that the deeper secrets of this underground world can be revealed. In this section, I present an economic history of the cannabis market and formulate three laws of the market.
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L'idéologie de l'assistance aux pauvres : le rapport de la commission royale d'enquête sur les poor laws de 1832-1834Perron, Mathieu January 2008 (has links) (PDF)
Le présent travail porte sur l'influence de l'idéologie utilitariste sur la conduite de la Royal Commission of Inquiry into the Practical Administration and Operation of the Poor Laws de 1832-1834. Il jette un regard nouveau sur le rôle joué par les
idéologies sur la conduite de la réforme la Commission, mais aussi sur la New Poor Law de 1834. Parmi les sujets traités, nous retrouverons la prise en charge de la pauvreté, la diffusion et la transformation des idées. Notre hypothèse de travail est que le Rapport de la Commission Royale de 1832 est le résultat d'un métissage idéologique dominé par l'utilitarisme. Ce métissage idéologique était particulièrement présent au sein des classes supérieures de la société britannique (bourgeoisie et aristocratie). Pour ce faire, nous avons analysé en profondeur le Rapport produit par la Commission: analyse du contenu et analyse du discours. Nous avons aussi adopté une approche biographique où l'on discute des principaux artisans de la Commission, de leurs allégeances politiques et idéologiques et de l'influence qu'ils eurent les uns sur les autres. Puis, nous avons analysé les principaux courants idéologiques de l'époque concernant la pauvreté, de 1795, date de mise en place du système de Speenhamland, jusqu'à 1834, date où la Poor Law fut modifiée en profondeur. Pour ce faire, nous avons utilisé des sources primaires comme les écrits de Jeremy Bentham ou de Thomas Robert Malthus par exemple. Nous avons aussi analysé certains articles de journaux publiés dans le Edinburgh Review et le Quarterly Review qui traitaient de la pauvreté ou des Poor Laws. Enfin, pour bien comprendre l'influence et les limites de l'idéologie sur la conduite de la réforme, nous avons analysé les débats parlementaires sur l'adoption de la New Poor Law de 1834. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Économie politique, Grande-Bretagne, Libéralisme, Malthusianisme, Parlement, Utilitarisme, XIXe siècle.
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The royal commission on espionage 1946-1948: a case study in the mobilization of the Canadian Civil Liberties MovementClement, Dominique Thomas 05 1900 (has links)
There exists, at this time, surprisingly little historiography on how civil liberties were shaped
and developed in practice throughout Canadian history. An examination of the 1946 Royal
Commission on Espionage offers several insights into the nature of the immediate post-World War
Two civil liberties movement.
The commission was formed in response to the defection of a Russian cipher clerk, Igor
Gouzenko, in late 1945. The commission investigated the existence of a Russian-led spy ring that
had recruited several Canadian civil servants into disclosing secret information. The commission
is unique in Canadian history; dominantly due to the fact that it was empowered under the War
Measures Act which granted it enormous powers. Everything from a citizen's right to counsel,
habeas corpus, protection from state coercion and the right to a fair trial were circumvented.
This work attempts to offer a few answers to some important questions about Canadian civil
liberties. What were to consequences of the commission's actions? Does Canadian society accept
the need to allow a government to violate individual liberties to protect the integrity of the state?
Furthermore, the following article will examine the nature of the civil liberties movement following
WWII, including the role of the media and civil liberties' organizations in increasing awareness of
the vulnerability of individual rights from state abuse. The purpose of this work is to demonstrate
the enormous potential in which Parliament could act independently in re-defining Canadians' civil
liberties while at the same time demonstrating the central role the Royal Commission on Espionage
played in stimulating the post-WWII civil liberties movement. The Royal Commission on Espionage
is only one black spot in the history of Canadian civil liberties but there remain many questions to
be asked about Canadians' willingness to trust and accept that dictates of the state.
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Re-branding Canada: The Origins of Canadian Multiculturalism Policy, 1945-1974Blanding, Lee 12 August 2013 (has links)
Canadian multiculturalism policy is often said to have come about in 1971 because of factors such as the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the multicultural movement of the 1960s, or the more liberal political and social climate of the postwar period. While all of these played roles in the emergence of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” this dissertation takes the approach that the federal civil service was the most important factor behind the adoption of a federal multiculturalism policy in Canada. The author makes the case that the Canadian state had adopted multiculturalism policy and programs as early as the 1950s. A small branch of Government, known as the Canadian Citizenship Branch sought to integrate members of ethnic minority communities into the mainstream of Canadian life, but also sought to reassure native-born Canadians that these “New Canadians” had vital contributions to make to Canadian culture. This dissertation shows how this state discourse intersected with the more familiar elements associated with the rise of multiculturalism, such as the multicultural movement, and ultimately coalesced in 1971 with the announcement by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau of a “new” state multiculturalism policy. / Graduate / 0334 / blanding@uvic.ca
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Re-branding Canada: The Origins of Canadian Multiculturalism Policy, 1945-1974Blanding, Lee 12 August 2013 (has links)
Canadian multiculturalism policy is often said to have come about in 1971 because of factors such as the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism, the multicultural movement of the 1960s, or the more liberal political and social climate of the postwar period. While all of these played roles in the emergence of “multiculturalism within a bilingual framework,” this dissertation takes the approach that the federal civil service was the most important factor behind the adoption of a federal multiculturalism policy in Canada. The author makes the case that the Canadian state had adopted multiculturalism policy and programs as early as the 1950s. A small branch of Government, known as the Canadian Citizenship Branch sought to integrate members of ethnic minority communities into the mainstream of Canadian life, but also sought to reassure native-born Canadians that these “New Canadians” had vital contributions to make to Canadian culture. This dissertation shows how this state discourse intersected with the more familiar elements associated with the rise of multiculturalism, such as the multicultural movement, and ultimately coalesced in 1971 with the announcement by Prime Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau of a “new” state multiculturalism policy. / Graduate / 0334 / blanding@uvic.ca
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The royal commission on espionage 1946-1948: a case study in the mobilization of the Canadian Civil Liberties MovementClement, Dominique Thomas 05 1900 (has links)
There exists, at this time, surprisingly little historiography on how civil liberties were shaped
and developed in practice throughout Canadian history. An examination of the 1946 Royal
Commission on Espionage offers several insights into the nature of the immediate post-World War
Two civil liberties movement.
The commission was formed in response to the defection of a Russian cipher clerk, Igor
Gouzenko, in late 1945. The commission investigated the existence of a Russian-led spy ring that
had recruited several Canadian civil servants into disclosing secret information. The commission
is unique in Canadian history; dominantly due to the fact that it was empowered under the War
Measures Act which granted it enormous powers. Everything from a citizen's right to counsel,
habeas corpus, protection from state coercion and the right to a fair trial were circumvented.
This work attempts to offer a few answers to some important questions about Canadian civil
liberties. What were to consequences of the commission's actions? Does Canadian society accept
the need to allow a government to violate individual liberties to protect the integrity of the state?
Furthermore, the following article will examine the nature of the civil liberties movement following
WWII, including the role of the media and civil liberties' organizations in increasing awareness of
the vulnerability of individual rights from state abuse. The purpose of this work is to demonstrate
the enormous potential in which Parliament could act independently in re-defining Canadians' civil
liberties while at the same time demonstrating the central role the Royal Commission on Espionage
played in stimulating the post-WWII civil liberties movement. The Royal Commission on Espionage
is only one black spot in the history of Canadian civil liberties but there remain many questions to
be asked about Canadians' willingness to trust and accept that dictates of the state. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate
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Tse Keh Nay-European Relations and Ethnicity: 1790s-2009Sims, Daniel Unknown Date
No description available.
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Tse Keh Nay-European Relations and Ethnicity: 1790s-2009Sims, Daniel 06 1900 (has links)
This thesis examines Tse Keh Nay (Sekani) ethnic identity over three periods of Aboriginal-European relations: the fur trade period, the missionary period, and the treaty and reserve period. It examines the affects these three periods have had on the Tse Keh Nay as an ethnic group in four chapters, the first two dealing with the fur trade and missionary periods, and the last two with the treaty and reserve aspects of the treaty and reserve period. In it I argue that during the first two periods wider Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity was reinforced, while during the latter period local Tse Keh Nay identities were reinforced through government policies that dealt with Tse Keh Nay subgroups on a regional and localized basis. Despite this shift in emphasis, wider Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity has remained, proving that Tse Keh Nay ethnic identity is both situational and dynamic. / History
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