This thesis is an investigation of the origins of the tenant farmer movement prevalent in Japan in the 1920 and '30s. This movement was a social movement of considerable importance. Accordingly, much research, both Japanese and Western, has been done on the movement. The concern of this thesis is with the origins of the movement at the rice-shoot level. The question addressed is; Why did the movement develop at this time in Japan's history? Events on the village level are investigated in search for the answer to this query. I have concerned myself with the 1920s alone since the developments in the 1930s merely represent an extension of those of the previous decade. The sociologist James Scott has recently developed a theoretical framework for investigating the origins of tenant unrest as a universal historical phenomenon. This framework was first published in an article in the Journal of Asian Studies entitled "The Erosion of Patron-Client Bonds and Social Change in South East Asia" I have found this framework to provide a useful means of organizing the material relating to the origins of tenant unrest in Japan. The basic premise of Scott's theory is that the vertical ties of loyalty binding the client to his patron are based on the receipt of basic goods and services from the patron. The client's minimum demands are subsistence guarantee and protection. This bond can lose its legitimacy if the patron no longer supplies the goods and services expected by the client. Under these conditions the potential for tenant unrest is created. This potential, however, is not always realized. Whether the patron loses his legitimacy without a client reaction or not depends on several factors. Three of the more important factors that are investigated herein are the state of the client's economy, the means for the client to mobilize and influences beyond the village that either encourage or discourage the expression of his discontent, I argue herein that the 1andlord-tenant relationship in Japan is a patron-client relationship and that changes in Japanese society generally and Japanese rural society specifically led to the loss of legitimacy of that relationship. Four specific changes contributed to that development. The increase in absentee landlordism, the increasing tendency for landlords to invest their money outside of the rural sector, the steady decline in the number of cultivating landlords and the increasing political identification of the landlord with the prefectural bureaucracy all combined to alter the quality of and 1ord-tenant relations and gradually divided the village along class lines. It was this loss of legitimacy of the landlord-tenant relationship that created the potential for tenant unrest. The realization of this potential in the form of organized tenant farmer movement depended primarily on three factors. First, the economic conditions prevailing in Japan in the 1920s were such that the tenant desperately needed the goods and services traditionally provided by the landlord. In the absence of an alternate source of supply the tenant was forced to react against the loss of the services. Second, the existence of a village level tenant farmer union enabled the tenants to successfully mobilize their resources and confront the landlords with their demands in form of a collective bargaining unit. Finally, in order for the movement to have developed it was also necessary that the tenant farmer's traditional attitude toward his landlord change. This change was fostered in large part by the breakdown in the traditional landlord-tenan relationship, but other political changes in Japanese society were not without effect. The labor movement and tenant participation within it was particularly important in fostering changes in tenant farmer consciousness and the development of a class conscious tenant farmer movement. These three conditions are the factors crucial to the realization of the potential for tenant unrest that led to the development of the tenant farmer movement in the 1920s. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

稿本 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院敎育學部,1992. / 參考文獻: leaves 145-151 / 盧萬方 = Transformation of schooling in rural China : the developmental experience of an affluent country town / Lo Man Fong. / Chapter 第一章： --- 前言 / Chapter 第一節： --- 普及義務教育的現象 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二節： --- 農村教育的困局 --- p.5 / Chapter 第三節： --- 中國的發展農村教育的經驗 --- p.10 / Chapter 第二章： --- 郷鎮社會變遷與學校教育 / Chapter 第一節： --- 城鄉關係與社會變遷 --- p.13 / Chapter 第二節： --- 鎮與中國當代農村發展的關係 --- p.17 / Chapter 第三節： --- 普及義務教育與中國農村城鎮化 --- p.22 / Chapter 第三章： --- 文獻綜論 --- p.26 / Chapter 第四章： --- 硏究設計 / Chapter 第一節： --- 硏究意義與目的 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二節： --- 硏究方法 --- p.36 / Chapter 第三節： --- 硏究過程 --- p.40 / Chapter 第四節： --- 硏究限制 --- p.46 / Chapter 第五章： --- 陳村鎮概況及其學校教育發展 / Chapter 第一節： --- 地理位置及歴史 --- p.48 / Chapter 第二節： --- 實施改革開放政策後的發展 --- p.50 / Chapter 第三節： --- 學校教育的發展 --- p.52 / Chapter 第四節： --- 普及義務教育推行的情況 --- p.57 / Chapter 第六章： --- 學校教育内容與郷鎮¨جإ變的關係 / Chapter 第一節： --- 適切教育與農村發展 --- p.69 / Chapter 第二節： --- 普及義務教育的目標 --- p.71 / Chapter 第三節: --- 陳村鎮普及義務教育的内容 / Chapter (一） --- 小學課程 --- p.74 / Chapter (二） --- 中學課程 --- p.76 / Chapter (三） --- 教科書内容 --- p.78 / Chapter (四） --- 勞動技術課 --- p.79 / Chapter (五） --- 郷土教材 --- p.81 / Chapter (六） --- 周會課 --- p.82 / Chapter 第四節： --- 陳鎮教師的教學方法 --- p.83 / Chapter 第五節： --- 評鑑 --- p.85 / Chapter 第六節： --- 職業技術教育 --- p.87 / Chapter 第七節： --- 小結 --- p.93 / Chapter 第七章： --- 教師與農村城鎮化 / Chapter 第一節： --- 教師在社會變遷中的角色 --- p.96 / Chapter 第二節： --- 教師的專業水平與知識傳遞 --- p.99 / Chapter 第三節： --- 教師的態度與意識形的傳遞 --- p.102 / Chapter 第四節： --- 農村教師的社會地位及其影饗 --- p.107 / Chapter 第五節： --- 公辦教師與民辦教師 --- p.109 / Chapter 第六章： --- 外地教師 --- p.117 / Chapter 第七節： --- 小結 --- p.120 / Chapter 第八章： --- 陳村鎮概況及其學校教育發展 / Chapter 第一節： --- 家長對子女入學的期望 --- p.122 / Chapter 第二節： --- 學生的成績及行為表現 --- p.128 / Chapter 第三節： --- 小結 --- p.134 / Chapter 第九章： --- 結語 --- p.136 / 附件一 --- p.142 / 附件二 --- p.144 / 參考書目