No description available.

No description available.

Thesis. 1976. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Microfiche copy available in Archives and Rotch. / Bibliography: leaves 225-227. / M.C.P.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 2, 2009). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-124).

published_or_final_version / abstract / China Development Studies / Master / Master of Arts

Public opinion tends to look at Zambia as some mythical land of promise, predestined to enjoy for years to come the same sort of economic bliss as during the copper price boom of 1964 -75. But there can be little doubt that one of the most striking facts of Zambia's economic history since 1964 has been poor macroeconomic performance. Since the mid 1970's Zambia's economy has experienced negative economic growth, high unemployment, rapid inflation and a weak balance of payments. This problem is crucial in the context of two-gap models. This thesis discusses the main facts about this worrying development and advances a line of argument which may well account for most of the observed facts. Prior to the Third Republic Zambian politicians tended to blame external forces for the current problems. My main contention is that that is wrong Economic difficulties arose from a combination of policy failures: growth of 'nonmarketable output', the government's politically induced tendency for crisis management, coupled with its well known propensity to delay taking corrective action, against a background of difficult initial conditions. However, since this is a thesis, both the scope and the method of investigation are limited by the time allowed for the study. What we do is to use historical data and use econometric analysis to shape my arguments, and to make them plausible. Inadequate domestic savings reflected in investment slumps, coupled with foreign exchange shortages, are shown to be the ultimate constraint on economic growth performance. The new government's liberal attitude and the fact that there is export potential in the economy offers some hope for success but the thesis draws attention to the structural rigidities which will remain a major constraint to export diversification in the short to medium term. In the long run, non-traditional exports would have to grow by some 30 percent annually if they were to become the new engine of growth. We stress that success will depend crucially on the government's macroeconomic policies being both conducive to the promotion of investment spending and supportive to the objective of restoring viability in the balance of payments.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Title proper from title frame. Also available in printed format.

Various sources on Kazakh history demonstrate that a Kazakh culture was generated out of the predominantly pastoral experiences of its people. For centuries, Kazakh communities were engaged in a definite set of practices prescribed by pastoralism. Firmly incorporated into the all-Union structure of Soviet republics, Kazakhstan made an impressive transformation from a predominantly pastoral to an agroindustrial region with one of the most vibrant economies in Central Asia. Sovereignty in 1991 pushed the historic trajectory of the Kazakh nation further ahead, prompting its citizens to engage in self-reflection, and attuning their collective memories to a new set of social and political realities. It also brought the country closer to the city, as hundreds of thousands Kazakh villagers left their homes for urban areas following the downfall of the 'transitional' economy that ensued in the wake of the demise of socialism. This thesis presents an analysis of data that was collected during twelve months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out primarily in Almaty, the former capital of Kazakhstan, in 1999. A principal aim in this study is to unravel emerging subjectivities and congealed meanings that have developed within the context of Kazakh rural to urban migration, especially that which occurred after the breakdown of the Soviet Union. It centers on important themes relating to Kazakh historic ancestry and culture, the colonial encounter, the city and its populace, as well as the recently achieved national independence, as they have unfolded in the narratives of recent arrivals to the city. How have the discourses of ancestry and modernity, mediated by their experiences of migration and displacement, been implicated in migrants' understandings of themselves and their nation? Special attention in my discussion is paid to the issue of whether the recent encounter of rural and urban worlds fostered the contemplation of specific narratives of the Kazakh nation, as it emerges from Socialism.

Rural-urban migration in Sub-Saharan African countries has been increasing since the 1960s. In Senegal from 1961 to 1996, it grew 7.6% per annum. Labour market in the modern industrial and service sectors is so depressed that urban workers face high unemployment and poverty rates, and live in substandard conditions in the fringe urban sector. The purpose of this study is to examine policies needed to reduce rural-urban migration through selected agricultural investments, especially given that a long run of low agricultural productivity has been a major cause of rural-urban migration flows. / Based on a recursive system of equations, an estimate was made of rural-urban migration elasticity caused by agricultural inputs and their impact on migration. The model used combines a Cobb-Douglas agricultural production equation along with a rural-urban migration equation with agricultural output as an explanatory variable. The study period is 36 years from 1961 to 1996. / Our findings support the hypothesis that rural-urban migration is a positive outcome function of the urban-rural wage ratio that is proxied by the ratio of urban per capita income to rural per capita income. The results justify the design of a policy aimed at reducing rural-urban migration flows through increasing per capita earnings by means of increased agricultural investments. For instance, 10% increase of fertiliser lowers rural-urban migration by 20.5% while 10% increase of agricultural infrastructure reduces rural-urban migration of about 32.2%. If one extrapolates these results, fertiliser and infrastructure need to be increased respectively by 36% and 25% or both inputs by 13.09% to reach rural-urban migration annual rate of 2%, the level of industrial labour demand.

No abstract available. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Durban-Westville, 2000.