Thèse--Thèol.--Lausanne, 1975. / La préf. manque. Bibliogr. p. 307-327. Index.

Thesis--Leipzig.

Projet professionnel personnel de bibliothécaire : gestion de projet : Bibliothéconomie : Villeurbanne, ENSSIB : 2004.

Projet professionnel personnel de bibliothécaire : dossier d'aide à la décision : Villeurbanne, ENSSIB : 2002.

Mémoire d'étude (DCB) : Ecole nationale sup. des sci. de l'information et des bibliothèques : Villeurbanne (France) : 2001. / Notes bibliogr.

In 1997, on average every 40 to 45 hours criminals either shot or killed a victim in the City of Richmond, Virginia. This resulted in 122 firearm homicides in that year alone. This gun-related violent crime epidemic so terrorized law-abiding citizens that many of them became hostages in their own homes. In response to this horrific social problem, Project Exile was developed in late 1997. Project Exile is a multi-level (federal, state, and local) law enforcement effort aimed at the amelioration of Richmond's high per-capita rate of gun violence and gun homicide. Through the Richmond U.S. Attorney's Office, Project Exile takes advantage of stiffer bond rules and sentencing guidelines in federal court, where all cases involving felons with guns, guns and drugs, and guns and domestic violence are prosecuted. Although Project Exile has received extensive television and print media coverage, it has not caught the attention of the academic world. This dissertation begins to fill this research gap by combining Kingdon's (1995) Multiple Streams model with Sabatier's (1999) Advocacy Coalition Framework to develop a "Specific Collins Classification and Elaboration Model" and a "Generic Collins Classification and Elaboration Model" that will be used to analyze the formation and implementation of Project Exile. The three purposes of this research will be: 1. To elaborate and analyze Kingdon's and Sabatier's frameworks as a means for understanding Project Exile 2. To draw on these two frameworks to create both Specific and Generic new "Collins Models: to assist in furthering a deeper understanding of this case study as well as similar policy subsystems. 3. To explain the genesis and development of Project Exile. The most salient result of this research is that it shows the disparate ways in which variables, taken from the work of Kingdon, Sabatier, and the Project Exile case, fit in Schroeder's (2001) operationalization of the Political Economic framework. In addition, this research shows how both Kingdon and Sabatier compensate for the respective limitations of the other when the two of them are combined into one model. / Ph. D.

Projet professionnel personnel de bibliothécaire : gestion de projet : Bibliothéconomie : Villeurbanne, ENSSIB : 2004.

Combiné à une demande en énergie croissante, les ressources limitées de pétrole et de gaz naturel nous obligent à rechercher des alternatives plus propres et de plus en plus efficaces pour la production d'énergie. L'hydrogène (H2) est considéré comme un vecteur énergétique prometteur. Cependant, il existe plusieurs problèmes liés à l'utilisation de H2, depuis son transport jusqu'à sa distribution. La transformation de la molécule de H2 peut s’effectuer par la synthèse d’un composé contenant du carbone, à savoir du méthane (CH4), offrant ainsi la possibilité d'utiliser le réseau de transport existante. En effet, la réaction de Sabatier, qui est fortement exothermique, implique la réaction du dioxyde de carbone (CO2) et du dihydrogène afin de produire du méthane et de l’eau. Ce procédé, appelé méthanation, représente une approche réalisable contribuant à la réduction des émissions de CO2 dans l'atmosphère, à travers un cycle fermé du carbone impliquant la valorisation du CO2. Cependant, en dessous d’une température de 200 °C, la conversion devient proche de zéro, tandis qu’à des températures plus élevés (>300 °C), des réactions secondaires favorisant la formation du CO et d’H2 apparaissent. C’est une des raisons pour laquelle de nouveaux types de catalyseurs doivent être étudiés dans le but de maximiser la sélectivité du méthane à des basses températures et à pression atmosphérique. Par conséquent, en utilisant des catalyseurs associés aux plasmas DBD, l’activation de la réaction de méthanation peut ainsi être améliorée. Plusieurs catalyseurs contenant du Ni ont donc été synthétisés en utilisant différents oxydes de Ce-Zr en tant que supports, avec un ratio Ce-Zr variable. Les résultats obtenus dans des conditions adiabatiques à basses températures (comprises entre 120 et 150 °C), en présence de catalyseurs activés par plasma, sont prometteurs. La conversion du CO2 en CH4 est d’environ 85 % avec une sélectivité proche de 100 %. En l’absence de catalyseurs activés par plasma, cette même conversion est observée à 350 °C, tandis qu’à basses températures et sans plasma, celle-ci est presque nulle. Ce système à basse consommation d’énergie permet donc de diminuer le coût de production du méthane synthétique avec une durée de vie du catalyseur prolongée. / The limited resources of oil and natural gas, together with an increasing energy demand, forces us to seek more and more efficient and cleaner energy production alternatives. Hydrogen has been recently considered as a promising energy carrier. However, there are several inherent problems to the utilization of H2, from its transportation to its distribution. Transformation of the H2 molecule by fixing into a carbon-containing compound, i.e. CH4, will offer the possibility of using the conventional transportation network. Indeed, the Sabatier reaction, which is highly exothermic, involves the reaction of carbon dioxide and hydrogen gas in order to produce methane and water. This process, called methanation, represents a feasible approach contributing to the reduction of the CO2 emissions in our atmosphere, through a closed carbon cycle involving the valorization of CO2, i.e. from capture. However, below a temperature of 250 °C, the conversion becomes practically close to 0 %, whereas at higher temperatures, i.e., (>300 ºC), the co-existence of secondary reactions favours the formation of CO and H2. This is the reason why new catalysts and process conditions are continuously being investigated in order to maximize the methane selectivity at low reaction temperatures at atmospheric pressure. Therefore, by using catalysts combined to Dielectric Barrier Discharge plasmas (DBD), the activation of the methanation reaction can be enhanced and overcome the drawbacks of existing conventional processes. Several Ni-containing catalysts were prepared using various ceria-zirconia oxides as supports, with different Ce/Zr ratios. The results obtained in the adiabatic conditions at low temperatures (ranging between 100-150 °C), in the presence of catalysts activated by plasma, are promising. Indeed, the conversion of CO2 to CH4 is about 85 % with a selectivity close to 100 %. The same conversion in the absence of the plasma activation of the catalyst is observed at 350 °C. At low temperatures (120-150 °C) and without plasma, conversion is almost close to zero. This low consumption energy system helps reduce the cost of production of synthetic methane together with an extended life of the catalyst.

Symbolo-Fidéisme is a theological method resulting from the combination of two complementary teachings : "Symbolisme", an epistemology professed by Auguste Sabatier (1839-1901) and a soteriology, "Fidéisme", taught by Eugène Ménégoz (1838-1921). Symbolo-Fidéisme cannot be identified apart from these two men, it is therefore necessary, if we wish to grasp to a full extent its genesis and development, to gather some information concerning their life and work.

This study assesses the value of two analytical models explaining particular contemporary political events. This is undertaken through the comparative evaluation of two international models: the Advocacy Coalition Framework and Rhodes’s model of Governance. These approaches are evaluated against an single case study: the censorship of computer network (“online”) content in Australia. Through comparison evaluation, criticism, and reformulation, these approaches are presented as useful tools of policy analysis in Australia. / The first part of the thesis presents the theoretical basis of the research and the methodologies employed to apply them. It begins by examining how the disciplines of political science and public policy have focused on the role of politically-active “interest”, groups in the process of policy development and implementation. This focus has lead to ideas about the role of the state actors in policy making, and attempts to describe and explain the interface between public and private groups in developing and implementing public policies. These, largely British and American, theories have impacted upon Australian researchers who have applied these ideas to local conditions. The majority of this part, however, is spent introducing the two research approaches: Paul Sabatier’s Advocacy Coalitions Framework and Rod Rhodes’s theory of Governance. Stemming from dissatisfaction with research into implementation, Sabatier’s framework attempts to show how competing clusters of groups and individuals compete for policy “wins” in a discrete subsystem by using political strategies to effect favourable decisions and information to change the views of other groups. Governance, on the other hand, attempts to apply Rhodes’s observations to the changing nature of the British state (and by implication other liberal democracies) to show the importance of self-organising networks of organisations who monopolise power and insulate the processes of decision making and implementation from the wider community and state organs. Finally, the methodologies of the thesis are presented, based on the preferred research methods of the two authors. / The second part introduces the case serving as the basis for evaluating the models, namely, censorship of the content of computer networks in Australia between 1987 and 2000. This case arises in the late 1980s with the computerisation of society and technological developments leading to the introduction of, first publicly-accessible computer bulletin boards, and then the technology of the Internet. From a small hobbyists’ concern, the uptake of this technology combined with wider censorship issues leads to the consideration of online content by Australian Governments, seeking a system of regulation to apply to this technology. As the emerging Internet becomes popularised, and in the face of adverse media attention on, especially pornographic, online content, during the mid to late 1990s two Federal governments establish a series of policy processes that eventually lead to the introduction of the Broadcasting Services Amendment (Online Services) Act 1999, a policy decision bringing online content into Australia’s intergovernmental censorship system. / The final part analyses the case study using the two theoretical approaches. What this shows is that, from the perspective of the Advocacy Coalition Framework, debate over online content does not form a substantive policy subsystem until 1995, and within this three, relatively stable, competing coalitions emerge, each pressuring for different levels of action and intervention (from no regulation, to a strong regulatory model). While conflict within the subsystem varied, overall the framework’s analysis shows the dominance of a coalition consisting largely of professional and business interests favouring a light, co-regulatory approach to online content. From the perspective of Governance, the issue of online content is subject to a range of intra- and inter-governmental conflict in the period 1995-7, finally settling into a negotiated position where a complex policy community emerges based largely on structurally-determined resource dependencies. What this means is that policy making in the case was not autonomous of state institutions, but highly dependent on institutional power relations. Overall, in comparing the findings it becomes apparent that the approaches lack the capacity to fully explain the role of key sovereigns, defined here as those individuals with legal authority over decision making in the policy process, because of their methodological and normative assumptions about the policy process. By showing these individuals as part of wider networks of power-dependencies, and exploring the complex bundle of real, pseudo, symbolic, and nonsense elements that make up a policy, the role of Ministers as “semi-sovereign sovereigns” can be accommodated in the two approaches.