This qualitative study has been investigating effects on Iranian students who are studying, or recently studied, abroad out from the fact that their home country Iran in current time is being targeted with extensive international sanctions. With these Iranian students as a target group in which their perception of these circumstances has been analyzed and later on concluded in order to see to what the possible effects for citizens outside of a sanctioned state as Iran. As mentioned the research has looked into the personal perceptions of the students and by that taken into consideration private matters and circumstances that in some cases has lead to larger effects than in others. Out of the analyze this research can show a great deal of economic issues and problems for when trying to receive funding in order to cover essential expenses for when being abroad such as; tuition fee, rent, food and clothes and in one case this lead to the termination of studies for one of the students in this group. The conclusion made by the students is that the sanctions are affecting them in an unfair manner, rather than what are the official aims of the sanctions.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Genève.

Thesis (Ph.D.) - Carleton University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 124-126). Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

For a variety of reasons since 1979, the United States of America has severed all political ties and retreated to a policy of enacting economic sanctions against the Islamic Republic of Iran. Such reasons include security concerns and human rights abuses. Historical research and surveys of economic data suggest that the sanctions have had limited effectiveness on the Iranian economy. Furthermore, the increasing tension between the United States and Iran caused by sanctions would also suggest that the latter is unlikely to curb its foreign policy to suit the interests of the U.S. My research indicates that despite the current malady of issues that define the American-Iranian relationship today, a once prosperous and peaceful partnership existed between the two countries only a short time ago. In conclusion, it will be shown that both countries would be financially and militarily better off if sanctions were eased and their peaceful partnership might be restored.

Import sanctions were used to a very limited extent against South Africa in the early sixties and latter half of the seventies to clearly signal the international community's disapproval of the country's apartheid policy. In the middle eighties South Africa was further exposed to a two year wave of export and financial sanctions. This was after the government had already committed itself to move away from apartheid as a policy that was no longer deemed feasible. All these sanctions were lifted in the early nineties after the abolition of apartheid but before negotiations for a new constitutional dispensation had firmly got under way. Contrary to some popular impressions, the 1985-87 sanctions were also severe1y limited in scope and nature, with the result that their economic impact was only marginal at best. They were introduced at a time when the country unexpectedly had to face a foreign debt crisis and had to drastically adjust the economy downward, not unlike that experienced by many other developing countries. The severe recession and greater socio-political unrest that followed did not lead to an escalation of sanctions, but nevertheless threatened to make large parts of the country ungovernable. The evidence is that sanctions only played a minor role in bringing about this poor and deteriorating state of affairs. The political aims of abolishing apartheid and preparing the way for negotiations was achieved mainly as a result of certain internal political developments, together with the political implications of such major other outside developments as the economic collapse of Sub-Saharan Africa and the Soviet Union. South Africa's experience with sanctions confirms that as elsewhere their economic impact as an instrument of foreign policy was invariably exaggerated, whereas their contribution in explaining the subsequent course of political events was at best uncertain. / Department of Economics / Ph.D. (Economics)

Resumo: O Muro de Berlim, além de simbolizar a divisão da Alemanha Ocidental e da Oriental, também personificou a cisão do mundo em Leste e Oeste durante a Guerra Fria (1946-89), período em que o mundo ficou repartido em áreas de influência dos EUA e da URSS. Sua queda representa não apenas o ato inicial da reunificação da Alemanha Ocidental e da Oriental como marca o fim da separação do mundo em Leste e Oeste. Essa estrutura bipolar só se desfez com o fim da Guerra Fria tendo os EUA como vencedores e a URSS como derrotadas. A globalização, termo ligado às transformações no sistema econômico internacional resultante do aprofundamento das relações entre os atores, só pode ser percebida quando se avaliam seus efeitos num conjunto de mudanças em diversas áreas como a cultural, a política e a social. Todas essas transformações constatadas pelas relações internacionais dentro do processo de interdependência complexa ganharam nova dimensão. Não demorou muito para que o propalado nascimento de uma nova ordem mundial fizesse renascer a perspectiva de que o direito internacional tomaria forma, ganharia peso e seria notado como um sistema jurídico. A ONU parecia recuperar o espaço vital para garantir a paz e a segurança internacionais. A efemeridade dessas suposições logo se anunciou quando se levantaram as cortinas que cerravam o cenário do Oriente Médio revelando quão prematuro era o otimismo a respeito do engrandecimento do sistema internacional. O Emirado do Kuwait foi invadido e ocupado pelo Iraque dando início à Guerra do Golfo (1991). Por sua vez, o Conselho de Segurança respondeu a essa ofensiva estabelecendo, por meio de resoluções, uma série jamais vista de sanções econômicas internacionais. Usualmente, essas medidas são vistas como o meio termo... (Resumo completo, clicar aceeo eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The Berlin Wall, and symbolize the division of East and West Germany, also embodied the split the world into East and West during the Cold War (1946-89), during which the world was divided into areas of USA and the USSR influence. His fall is not only the initial act of reunification of East and West Germany as separate marks the end of the world into East and West. This bipolar structure only broke with the Cold War with the USA as winner and the USSR as defeated. Globalization, a term linked to changes in the international economic system resulting from the deepening of relations between actors, can only be seen when evaluating its effects in a number of changes in various areas such as cultural, political and social. All these changes observed in international relations in the process of complex interdependence gained a new dimension. It did not take long for the birth of a vaunted new world order did revive the view that international law would take shape, gain weight and be noticed as a legal system. The UN seemed to regain the living space to ensure international peace and security. The ephemerality of these assumptions was soon announced when the curtains were closing up the landscape of the Middle East was revealing how early optimism about the advancement of the international system. The Emirate of Kuwait was invaded and occupied Iraq by beginning the Gulf War (1991). In turn, the Security Council responded to this attack by establishing, through resolutions, an unprecedented series of economic sanctions. Usually, these measures are seen as the middle ground between war and peace, strength and endurance, armed conflict and pending diplomatic, violence and nonviolence. They were unable... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Orientador: José Antonio Segatto / Coorientador: Karina Lilia Pasquariello Mariano / Banca: Luiz Antonio Soares Hentz / Banca: Agnaldo de Souza Barbosa / Banca: Alessandro Hirata / Banca: Marcelo Santos / Doutor

In 1919 Canada became a member of the League of Nations. In so doing she accepted the obligation to support the maintenance of peace by the collective measures defined in the League Covenant. This included the preservation of the territorial integrity and political independence of every League member against external aggression by the application of financial, economic and, if necessary, military measures. These sanctions were outlined in Article 10 and Article 16 of the Covenant. Canada accepted these obligations with mixed feelings. Some elements in the Dominion opposed from the beginning the assumption of any external obligations. Others considered the enhancement of the nation's international status as outweighing the burden of sanctions. Very few were of the opinion that it was to Canada's advantage to play an active role in the League and do all in her power to preserve peace by joining in collective measures against an aggressor. As time passed both government policy and public opinion became more hostile towards Canadian commitments to the League. From the Paris Peace Conference of 1919 to the Fourth Assembly in 1922 Conservatives and Liberals alike attempted to remove or dilute the irksome obligations. Canada initiated an attack on Article 10 and supported the movement for the weakening of Article 16. The effect on Canada of the abstention of the United States was immediate and profound. The period between the wars was marked by an ever increasing intimacy in the relations between the two states. Every Canadian government closely watched the prevailing attitude in the United States and supported any action by the League which might facilitate the entry of the United States. In addition, Canada's position on the continent of North America was used as an excuse for a negative role in the League. The government of Canada refused to accept the draft treaties or the Geneva Protocol for it was believed that these schemes increased the obligation to participate in collective measures. The Pact of Paris, on the other hand, was accepted with some enthusiasm. It contained no specific obligations and was endorsed by the United States. The economic depression, the failure of collective security and the breakdown of the League of Nations, and the rise of armed dictatorships increased the isolationist sentiment in Canada. By the end of 1935 the great majority of Canadians were inclined to favor a North American policy of aloofness towards Europe and the League. Their natural sympathies lay with the isolationism of the United States. Throughout the period from 1919 to 1926, from the birth to the death of the League of Nations, Canada's policy towards League sanctions was one of negation. This policy was subscribed to by every Canadian government and was supported by the Canadian people. This paper surveys the more prominent features and outstanding incidents of Canadian policy and opinion with regard to League sanctions. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

Targeted sanctions serve as a coercive tool to change behavior, or as a precautionary measure to prevent violations of international peace and security, as is the case of targeted sanctions against individuals and entities associated with terrorist acts. Targeted sanctions have become an important and frequently used tool in the global efforts of the UN in combating terrorism. The introduction of targeted sanctions, however, brought new questions associated with the status and rights of individuals in the regime of sanctions. Security Council imposing targeted sanctions significantly affects an individual's life, but does not provide an effective mechanism or means for its protection and thus violate his fundamental rights. In my work I analyze the implications arising for the persons and entities if they are wrongly listed, and what are their options for redress solicitation. The work is thus to analyze the current practice of United Nations sanctions regimes in the process of sanction lists, focusing on the human rights of listed individuals at the United Nations Security Council sanction list.

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

Includes bibliographies. / This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.