This thesis is a study of the religious life of the rural inhabitants of one peripheral Roman province, Lusitania. From archaeological, epigraphic and literary evidence it uncovers a wide array of cult spaces and monuments. These range from sacred springs, mountain shrines, rock inscriptions and sanctuaries, to temples, votive deposits, and clusters of altars. Together, they pertain to the countryside environment and date to between the 1st and 4th centuries AD: a period when the Romans were securely established in this corner of the Iberian Peninsula. The aim of this thesis is to contextualize these cult spaces and monuments by grounding them within the broader historical evolutions of the period, as well as the natural and man-made landscape of which they were a part. More specifically, this work sheds light on certain important patterns in rural Lusitanian worship. Chief among these are the observations that this worship was primarily small scale and private in nature, intimately associated with idealized natural settings, yet indivisible from the rural territorial infrastructure of its day. Rural cult spaces were not immune to historical developments affecting the province. The 1st to 4th century sacred rural landscape differed profoundly from that of the preceding, and following, periods. Finally, it is shown that the cult spaces and monuments in question, as well as the dedications and votive offerings associated with them, were incredibly varied. Their differences reflect a deep cultural rift between the northern and southern halves of this province. These assorted findings do not together furnish one cohesive picture of ‘rural religion’ as a single phenomenon divisible from ‘urban religion’ and homogenous throughout the province. Instead, the patchwork they create reiterates the diversity and varying levels of cultural interaction that existed throughout this provincial countryside.

This work seeks to provide new insight into understanding how the Lucanian sanctuaries were conceived, built, and used during a chronological period which ranges from the fourth century B.C. to the first century A.D. Within this time, the end of the third century B.C. and the bloody events of the Hannibalic war represented a crucial turning point for the Lucanian communities, concomitant with more infiltration of the southern peninsula by Rome. The last two centuries B.C. are therefore generally neglected in literature as a period of decline. The basic line of thought of this research is that changes in function and form of sanctuaries reflect political, socio-economic and cultural transformations and development of those communities who built and frequented them. The function of the sanctuaries went well beyond the merely religious, for they also functioned as gathering, political and economic centers. The evidence used in this thesis was mainly archaeological, and therefore the analysis of the realia represents the starting point and grounds for historical reconstructions. Archaeological data are diachronically analyzed at different levels: topographic location and relationship of sanctuaries with inhabited settlements, architectural structure and spatial organization of the complexes, and systems of votive offerings. During the fourth and the third centuries B.C. the picture of the Lucanian sanctuaries appears at a first glance quite homogeneous, as the cultural expressions of the Lucanian communities derived from the same models. However, archaeological evidence does not support the theory regarding the existence of a collective sanctuary which belonged to the Lucanians as a whole ethnos, as has been hypothesised for the Rossano di Vaglio sanctuary. After the end of the third century B.C. archaeological evidence from the sites under scrutiny attests that the sanctuaries continued to be used, despite the abandonment of the surrounding inhabited settlements. Nevertheless, such continuity did not mean full frequentation of the sanctuaries, as the majority of them noticeably contracted. Thus the second century B.C. is greatly under-represented at the archaeological level, although in some cases a revival is attested during the first century B.C. In this scenario, the only sanctuary which experienced a phase of revitalization during both of the last two centuries B.C. was the Rossano di Vaglio complex, as it became the point of reference for a new, specifically Roman, territorial entity, the praefectura of Potentia. This analysis, therefore, is a further contribution to current studies concerning the transformations which occurred in Italy in conjunction with the rise of Roman power, the conquest of Italy, and the consequent diffusion of hegemonic culture. / Classical Archaeology

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Submitted by ANDERSON MIGUEL CANDIDO MORENO null (a.m.moreno@bol.com.br) on 2016-08-04T22:51:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao finalizada para entrega.pdf: 5587239 bytes, checksum: e1ae717065c0835f07130dd405f9882d (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-08-05T19:09:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 moreno_amc_me_arafcl.pdf: 5587239 bytes, checksum: e1ae717065c0835f07130dd405f9882d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-05T19:09:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 moreno_amc_me_arafcl.pdf: 5587239 bytes, checksum: e1ae717065c0835f07130dd405f9882d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-09 / O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar a relevância da devoção popular a Nossa Senhora Aparecida, enquanto símbolo do catolicismo brasileiro. A cidade de Aparecida-SP, local onde se encontra o maior Santuário dedicado a uma representação mariana do mundo, e que recebe mais de 11 milhões de visitantes ao ano, é o berço dessa devoção. Desde quando não existia a cidade de Aparecida, e a região fazia parte da então chamada “Vila de Guaratinguetá”, têm-se o início de uma crença na representação de uma divindade presente em uma imagem de santa, que foi encontrada nas águas do Rio Paraíba do Sul. Tal imagem tornou-se o símbolo de uma forte devoção popular, capaz de arrebanhar centenas – milhares – e milhões de peregrinos que chegam ao local para visitá-la, e realizar outras atividades que podem ser feitas na cidade que a abriga. O fruto deste estudo é uma etnografia das romarias que chegam a Aparecida, e dos romeiros que chegam à cidade com os mais distintos interesses: prática de devoção católica, compras no shopping popular da cidade, compras na “feirinha” de produtos com preços baixos. As pretensões dos visitantes, durante sua estada na cidade, são muitas, e serão analisadas, etnograficamente. Para tanto, o trabalho se iniciará a partir de uma análise histórica da devoção à santa “aparecida”, e a influência desta crença na sociedade da região e da comunidade católica nacional. Aparecida tornou-se uma das referências do catolicismo brasileiro e as peregrinações ao Santuário foram utilizadas enquanto instrumento para uma tentativa de (re) catequização dos fieis católicos brasileiros. Partindo desta análise, haverá a tentativa de elucidar a relevância de Aparecida para o catolicismo brasileiro atual, e também, global. / This study aims to present the importance of popular devotion to Our Lady Aparecida, as a symbol of Brazilian Catholicism. The city of Aparecida-SP, where is the biggest Marian Sanctuary dedicated to a representation of the world, and receives over 11 million visitors a year, is the birthplace of this devotion. Since when there was the city of Aparecida, and the region was part of the so-called "Guaratingueta village", the start-up have a belief in the representation of a deity present in a holy image, which was found in the waters of the River Paraíba do Sul This image became the symbol of a strong popular devotion, able to round up hundreds - thousands - and millions of pilgrims who come to the place where she is to visit her, and perform other activities that can be done in the city the houses. The result of this study is an ethnography of pilgrimages arriving at Aparecida and the pilgrims arriving in the city with the most different interests: the practice of Catholic devotion, the popular shopping mall in the city, shopping in "crafts fair" products with low prices. Finally, the claims of the visitors during their stay in the city, are many, and will be analyzed, ethnographic, during this work. To this end, work will start from a historical analysis of devotion to the saint "appeared" and the influence of this belief in society in the region, and later, the national Catholic community. Aparecida has become one of the references of Brazilian Catholicism, and pilgrimages to the Sanctuary became one of the keys to (re) catechizing of Brazilian Catholics faithful. Based on this analysis, there will be an attempt to elucidate the significance of Aparecida for the current Brazilian Catholicism, and also global.

The "healing garden" is an evolving concept that is gaining popularity today. What is a healing garden? Why is one garden called a healing garden and not another? How is a healing garden defined? In what way are gardens healing? This thesis describes the ways in which healing gardens are beneficial in healthcare and residential settings. A set of guidelines for the design of healing gardens is created as a result of research findings as well as three design projects that are illustrated in the document. / Master of Landscape Architecture

Machupicchu Historical Sanctuary is a natural protected area that bears a considerable orchid diversity. Masdevallia is one of the most common, showiest, and distinctive genera among Machupicchu orchids, where six species are currently known. Here, we describe a new species of Masdevallia from Machupicchu, which we name Masdevallia bastantei. The species is similar to M. karineae but differs in the long flowers of 12 to 17 cm in length and a campanulate, incanous, maculate sepaline tube. We provide a description and illustrations of this new species. Furthermore, we present pictures and a key including all Masdevallia species that occur within the Machupicchu Historical Sanctuary.

State borders are often viewed as something faraway that demarcate a country’s frontier; however, whenever a teacher, nurse, social worker, or frontline city worker requires proof of citizenship to access services, they undertake the work of border guards. In Canada and abroad, Sanctuary City policies range from local governments issuing ID cards, schools clandestinely enrolling undocumented students, and domestic abuse shelters refusing entry to the Canada Border Services Agency (CBSA) conducting raids on their property. This activism and policymaking exemplify a case where municipal policy propels social change and analysis of how urban spatial politics interact with state borders that impede migrants’ access to outreach services. I apply an International Political Sociological (IPS) methodological framework to critically deconstruct academic and public narratives that emphasize the urban and religious character of Sanctuary Cities. Using IPS, I combine political theory that calls for abolishing state borders, critical cartography, and a political theology to deconstruct the foundational texts and mapping methods of critical -border, -citizenship, and -migration studies that research Sanctuary Cities. I argue that these subfields reproduce a narrative that cities, economic globalization, and religious movements are in-of-themselves antithetical to state borders. I challenge this narrative by conceptualizing a seeing like a zone approach to visualize the border in terms of deportation routes, inter-police networks, and how the Immigration Refugee Board (IRB) enacts self-deportations. Using Geographic Information System (GIS), I create six maps depicting CBSA, IRB, and local policing immigration infrastructure used in Ontario for the deportation, imprisonment, trials, and investigation of migrants. These maps and my seeing like a zone approach demonstrate that current Social Scientific literature overlook how Sanctuary Cities are ultimately compatible with state borders. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Sanctuary City movements involve community activists and stakeholders lobbying municipalities to deliver city services like schooling, local health clinics, or domestic abuse shelters, regardless of a person’s immigration status. Sanctuary helps people evade deportation in their everyday lives. To what extent do Sanctuary Cities challenge state borders? I challenge the conventional way that social scientists look at Sanctuary Cities. First, despite the religious moniker, Sanctuary Cities are a form of human rights activism which relies on state governments to provide migrants rights. Second, scholars assume Sanctuary Cities challenge borders, however, existing mapping methods do not exist to corroborate such claims. I use mapping software to show the different types of state borders that are enforced in Ontario, the home of Toronto’s Sanctuary City. Finally, I argue that Sanctuary and national borders only exist in specific zones (like in schools, clinics, or public transit) as opposed to entire cities or regions.

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xi, 124 p. : col. ill. and map. / The Arcata Marsh and Wildlife Sanctuary (AMWS), located on the Humboldt Bay of northwestern California in the town of Arcata, is an excellent example of reciprocity between humans and the natural environment. The AMWS is a constructed wetland ecosystem that works in conjunction with the town's wastewater treatment plant, providing a healthy habitat for birds and other wildlife and a context for the folkloric activity of birding. Interviews with seven local birders at the AMWS and an analysis of the material, economic, biological, social, and spiritual implications of the activity in context serve to support the assertion that reciprocity is an important factor in the sustainability of folkloric interactions between humans and the natural environment. / Committee in charge: Sharon Sherman, Chairperson; Kathryn Lynch, Member; Jill Harrison, Member