Thesis (M.A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 105-119.

Dissertation (Ph.D.)--Auburn University, 2006. / Abstract. Vita. Includes bibliographic references.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Texas at El Paso, 2009. / Title from title screen. Vita. CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

This thesis considers the use of independence referendums in state-creation. It investigates whether and how an independence referendum affects secessionist dynamics, and may increase or decrease the likelihood of secession. The analysis consists of a quantitative and qualitative mixed-methods approach, which includes the creation of a new dataset on secessionist movements and independence referendums from 1905 to 2014, and an in-depth comparative study of Quebec and Montenegro. Independence referendums, as sovereignty referendums, ask the ‘people’, symbolic holders of the sovereign authority of a state under a democratic regime, whether their sovereignty should remain represented by the current state, or by a new independent sovereign state. A distinction between unilateral and agreed independence referendums is made in order to consider when and how ‘the will of the people’ determines state-creation. It is argued that only an agreed independence referendum can ensure that the referendum itself determines the secessionist outcome. The thesis argues that independence referendums are an important legitimisation tool and their outcome’s binding effect is primarily a result of political, rather than legal, dynamics. The reasons behind the calling and holding of an independence referendum, and why a state government would consent to it, are analysed to account for a possible problem of endogeneity whereby the presence of an independence referendum might be determined by how likely the secessionist movement is to secede in the first place, regardless of the plebiscite. An institutional arrangement that allows for internal self-determination (such as ethnic-federalism), and access to executive powers at the regional level, was found to facilitate the mobilisation of the population in favour of secession, and the ability to call and hold a plebiscite. It is not in itself sufficient however to secure a majority in favour of independence, and other societal, political and economic contextual factors need to be taken into account to explain why a population would wish to secede. Focusing on consensual independence referendums agreed by both the government of the existing state and secessionist leaders, the thesis further explores when and how an independence referendum affects the likelihood of secession, notably existing popular support for independence. The thesis finds that the design and campaign in particular are important elements in deciding whose support counts, how much of it is needed, and how it can be mobilised. Nonetheless, the referendum process, who participates in it and to what extent existing preferences on the question of independence can be altered are context-dependent. Finally, the perceived legitimacy of the referendum process and outcome are argued to be essential for the voting result to be binding on actors operating at the sub-state level, state level and international level and the independence referendum to successfully answer the question of secession. The review of independence referendums since the turn of the 20th century and the thesis findings suggest that independence referendums not only create important precedents within the state they are held, but also have international consequences. As democratic norms compete with the principle of state integrity and becomes entangled with a nationalist narrative, independence referendums may have an increasingly important role to play in state-creation.

This thesis explores how Protestant Charlestonians and Philadelphians interpreted and responded to the secession crisis of 1860-1861. "Christian duty" was a vital part of these responses, not only informing the worldview of Protestants, but directing their actions in the midst of the crisis. Charlestonians and Philadelphians defined the concept of "Christian duty" in similar ways, however as the crisis progressed they applied it in increasingly different manners. Early in 1860, Protestants in both cities emphasized their shared spiritual and political heritage, often defining Christian duty in regard to unity and conciliatory speech. However, the secession crisis marked a transition away from this shared unifying rhetoric toward the expression of regional exceptionalism. Increasingly, both Philadelphians and Charlestonians understood themselves and their respective governments to be specially anointed by God. Accordingly by the end of 1861, Charlestonian and Philadelphian Protestants described Christian duty as tied to serving the Confederacy or the Union. / Master of Arts

The Republic of South Sudan’s independence on 9 July 2011 revived the possibility of secession as means of self-determination. The purpose of this exploratory study was to analyse and assess the implication of secession on the African environment, with reference to South Sudan. The qualitative research approach enabled the researcher to draw parallels between literature and opinions of experts involved in South Sudan’s secession. Driving the secessionist approach are ideologies and greed of elites and peoples in power, religious differences and the unequal distribution of wealth and resources that exacerbate tensions between the fortunate peoples enjoying opportunities to develop and the excluded, utterly poor peoples just surviving. National and international attitudes sanction or veto the possibility to secede. Although secession could terminate continued disarray, it should only be considered if both states, as parties to the secession, could ensure the delivery of statehood responsibilities to their citizens and neighbouring communities.

One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping. / The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Department of Art History, June 2000. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

Thesis (M.A.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1993. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 85-92). Also available via the Internet.

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