Thesis (Ph.D.)--Syracuse University, 1996. / Adviser: Marwyn S. Samuels. Includes bibliographical references.

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)

One of the most challenging issues for students of international relations is the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in both its secessionist and irredentist forms. This thesis contributes to an understanding of the interstate dimension of ethnic conflict in three ways. First, the thesis provides a more precise delineation of the causal relationship between ethnic and interstate conflict. Second, the thesis develops a model to identify the conditions under which ethnic conflict is most likely to lead to interstate conflict. Third, and finally this thesis provides insight into a theory and policy for management and resolution of ethnic conflict. The results of this research are used to identify the international conditions and actions that affect the dynamics and resolution of ethnic conflict. From that perspective, the central goal of this inquiry is to lay the groundwork for preventive peacekeeping. / The inquiry unfolds in five stages. First, a formal model, specifying the precise causal relationship of the selected variables and their interaction effects, is presented. Second, two cases (Somali irredentism and the Indo-Sri Lankan crisis) are used to test the assumed linkage. Third, aggregate data from the International Crisis Behavior Project data base, for the period 1918-1988, are used to test the explanatory power of variables derived from the combined framework. Fourth, two additional cases (Thai Malay separatism and the Balkans War) are used to test the most relevant propositions from the previous phase. Fifth and finally, based on the degree of support for propositions from both quantitative and qualitative analysis, the model is refined. Policy relevant and theoretical contributions are presented in the light of the findings. Directions for further research also are discussed.

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<p>Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur fördelningen av och kontrollen över territorier i</p><p>Bosnien-Hercegovina har yttrat sig under valda tidsperioder. Fokus ligger dels på konfliktparterna</p><p>och dels på de externa aktörernas roll. Galtungs modell fungerar som verktyg då problematiken med</p><p>territoriell kontroll och oförenliga mål undersöks. Materialet till uppsatsen utgörs främst av</p><p>undersökningar gjorda av såväl historiker, statsvetare som konfliktforskare och sociologer, vilket</p><p>bidrar till att en helhetsbild erhålles. Uppsatsens undersökning börjar med en undersökning av</p><p>Daytonavtalets konflikthantering och sedan går den över till 1914-1918, perioden då det första</p><p>sydslaviska riket uppstår. Därefter sker undersökningen i kronologisk ordning och avslutas i Dayton</p><p>1995, där trådarna knyts ihop. Resultaten visar att konflikter mellan de tre etniska grupperna i</p><p>Bosnien-Hercegovina funnits under samtliga tidsperioder och att de demonstrerats med vapen tre</p><p>gånger mellan 1914-1995. De externa aktörer som figurerat under de väpnade konflikterna har</p><p>påverkat konfliktparterna på olika sätt. Slutsatsen är att de externa aktörerna av olika anledningar</p><p>tenderar att ge sitt stöd åt den konfliktpart de har historiska band till.</p>

Föreliggande uppsats syftar till att undersöka hur fördelningen av och kontrollen över territorier i Bosnien-Hercegovina har yttrat sig under valda tidsperioder. Fokus ligger dels på konfliktparterna och dels på de externa aktörernas roll. Galtungs modell fungerar som verktyg då problematiken med territoriell kontroll och oförenliga mål undersöks. Materialet till uppsatsen utgörs främst av undersökningar gjorda av såväl historiker, statsvetare som konfliktforskare och sociologer, vilket bidrar till att en helhetsbild erhålles. Uppsatsens undersökning börjar med en undersökning av Daytonavtalets konflikthantering och sedan går den över till 1914-1918, perioden då det första sydslaviska riket uppstår. Därefter sker undersökningen i kronologisk ordning och avslutas i Dayton 1995, där trådarna knyts ihop. Resultaten visar att konflikter mellan de tre etniska grupperna i Bosnien-Hercegovina funnits under samtliga tidsperioder och att de demonstrerats med vapen tre gånger mellan 1914-1995. De externa aktörer som figurerat under de väpnade konflikterna har påverkat konfliktparterna på olika sätt. Slutsatsen är att de externa aktörerna av olika anledningar tenderar att ge sitt stöd åt den konfliktpart de har historiska band till.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 337-353).

Since the end of the Second World War, the location of most interstate borders has been fixed.This suggests that the common phenomenon of ethnic groups partitioned by internationallyrecognized state borders is permanent. Nevertheless, a recurrent dream of 'redemption' (i.e. thebuilding of a self-ruling polity which unifies the separate segments) is capable of inciting patrioticmobilization even in the face of a very long period of unbroken partition. Little is knownabout this clash between dream and reality. How can an ethnoterritorial group which is apparentlypermanently partitioned between separate, sovereign states be redeemed? In seeking asolution to this puzzle, I attempt a Machiavellian type of analysis, defined as an approach whichcombines a patriotic perspective with a strategic view of the choice of specific means and endsin a way which is free of state-centrism. I also employ Machiavelli's theory-building method,which is a form of abduction.This study focuses on six aspects of the problem of partition and redemption: the territorialsetting, the historical process, partitioning state contexts, perceptions of partition and homelandmythology, strategies, and outcomes. Two instances are selected for case study and comparison:the Sami in northernmost Europe, and the Basques in Spain and France. Both groups arepartitioned between separate states, are a minority in each one, and lack control over all existingstate governments.The analysis reveals the unexpected result that the less numerous, greater dispersed, morepartitioned, and generally weaker Sami have been more successful in redemption than have theBasques. While the Sami have built common bodies which officially represent Sami in all fourpartitioning states, the Basques have only a limited transborder cooperation between the BasqueAutonomous Community (BAC) in Spain and non-Basque regional authorities in France. It ismore important to have compatible building blocks in each state (like the three Nordic SamiParliaments), than to have a single powerful one (like the BAC). Without fairly similar andharmonized partitioning states, like the Nordic countries, it is extremely difficult for transborderpolity-building to succeed. Another main conclusion, which disputes the findings of other research,is that redemption is possible even when a group remains partitioned, given that thegoal of statehood is abandoned in favour of a less ambitious transborder homerule. In order torealize this goal, the most generally applicable method is a stepwise strategy aimed at creatingcompatible building blocks in each state. A variant of this is the blueprint strategy, that is, usingan achievement in one state as a model for the struggle in other states. In contrast to nonparti -tioned groups, partitioned groups can refer to their own achievement in other states.The subject of interest here transcends the domestic-international divide. Similarly, theanalysis transcends academic boundaries, mainly those of political theory, international politicsand comparative politics. This combination provides a starting-point for further inquiry into thepattern of overlapping polities which is emerging, and of partition and redemption in particular. / digitalisering@umu

Découlant des conflits qui ont opposé France et Siam à la fin du XIXe siècle pour le contrôle du Laos et du Cambodge, la crise franco-thaïlandaise de l’hiver 1940-1941 est le résultat d’un processus politique initié en 1932 et porté par les militaires nationalistes siamois au pouvoir. Influencés par le fascisme, ces derniers diffusent une propagande entretenant la nostalgie des « territoires perdus » et forgent, tout au long des années 1930, des forces armées formatées pour une guerre de revanche contre les puissances coloniales. Confrontée à partir de l’armistice de juin 1940 à l’isolement de la colonie dont elle assure la sécurité intérieure, l’armée d’Indochine est la première troupe coloniale française qui fait face à l’invasion d’un territoire de l’empire par une armée régulière. La Thaïlande s’appuie aussi sur des mouvements indépendantistes régionaux et la fidélité relative des dynasties locales envers la France afin de déstabiliser l’Union indochinoise, en même temps que la tournure des combats fragilise la position du colonisateur aux yeux de ses administrés. Position rendue encore plus précaire par la diplomatie du Japon qui impose sa médiation pour remplir ses propres objectifs politico-militaires. Par le biais d’une analyse exhaustive des archives militaires françaises et de celles du gouvernement général d’Indochine, ainsi que de correspondances privées de généraux et de la presse, nous verrons l’adaptabilité et les capacités de projection des troupes du groupe de l’Indochine, la difficulté pour celles-ci de mener une guerre sur des territoires, et les conséquences régionales et mondiales de ce conflit frontalier indissociable de la guerre d’Asie-Pacifique / The Franco-Thai crisis of the winter 1940-1941, resulting from the conflicts that brought into opposition France and Siam because of the control of Laos and Cambodia in the late nineteenth century, was the consequence of a political process initiated in 1932 and supported by the Siamese military nationalists in power. Influenced by the fascism, they dissiminated a propaganda that maintained the nostalgia of the "lost territories". They equally forged throughout the 1930s the armed forces prepared for a revenge war against the colonial powers. Facing the colony’s isolation starting from the armistice of June 1940 and being in charge of the colony’s internal security, the Indochinese army was the first French colonial troop coping with the invasion of the empire’s territory by a regular army. Thailand was also based on the regional independence movements and relative loyalty of the local dynasties to France in order to destabilize the Indochinese Union. At the same time, the turn of the combats weakened the colonizer’s position in the eyes of the citizens. This position was made even more precarious by the Japanese diplomacy which imposed its mediation in order to fulfill its political and military objectives. Through an exhaustive analysis of the French military archives, the Indochinese general government’s archives, the generals’ private correspondence and the press, we will see the adaptability and projection capacities of the Indochinese troops, their difficulty to wage war on the territories, as well as regional and global consequences of this border conflict that is inseparable from the Asia-Pacific war