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Although Islamism could be traced back to the seventh century when prophet Mohamad died and conflict between Shia and Sunni started, the recent growth of Islamism and emerging of new phenomena such as establishing Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 1920s, Iranian Islamic revolution in 1979, and some other Islamists groups like Hezbollah, and Al-Qaida highlighted the importance of Islamism. Moreover, forming the new Islamists in Syria, Iraq, and Yemen after the Arab uprising in 2010 which intensified the conflict between Shia and Sunni increased the concerns over increase in sectarianism in the Middle East. Considering the significance of Shia groups in recent movements, it is important to have a deep and comprehensive understanding of the nature and function of Shia Political Islam. Despite internal and external concerns, Shia Political Islam has emerged and continued to have control over power in Iran for more than four decades. The post-revolutionary Islamic government has been able to keep its power through reviving the Shia Movement since the 1979 Islamic revolution. Therefore, this thesis asks ‘how has Shia political Islam managed to survive in Iran over the past four decades? The answer to this question relies specifically on understanding the nature of Shia ideology and how the Shia control entities’ access to petrodollars. The study aims to clarify the concept of Shiism and explain the mechanism of the survival and continuation of the Shia movement in Iran through the lens of Social Movement Theory. This thesis argues that the essential mobilisers of the Shia Movement like the IRGC, the Basij and mosques have succeeded in sustaining the survival of the Shia Political Islam. The durability of this political approach lies in actively reviving the origins of the Shia movement, utilising Shia values, religious symbols and holy events such as Ashura, and financially rewarding the Movement with petrodollars. The mobilisers, especially the IRGC, use these values as a steering fuel to run the Shia Movement and suppress any security threat to its survival. For instance, after the 2009 presidential elections, the Green Movement was a serious security threat to the Islamic Republic and the political approach Shia political Islam. However, the IRGC and the Basij employed Shia symbols to mobilise their social base in a counter-movement in 2019 to overcome the threat of the Green Movement. The thesis concludes that if the Shia mobiliser organisations keep supporting the Shia Movement by utilising Shia values, religious symbols, and available economic resources such as petrodollars, Shia political Islam will stay resilient and survive.

This study explores the “push-pull” dynamics of Shia migration from southwestern Iran (Fars, Khuzestan and the Persian Gulf coast) to Kuwait during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although nowadays Shias constitute thirty five percent of the Kuwaiti population and their historical role in building the state of Kuwait have been substantial, no individual study has delved into the causes of Shia migration from Iran to Kuwait. By analyzing the internal political, economic, and social conditions of both regions in the context of the Gulf sheikhdoms, the British and Ottoman empires, and other great powers interested in dominating the Gulf region, my thesis examines why Shia migrants, such as merchants, artisans and laborers left southwestern Iran and chose Kuwait as their final destination to settle. The two-way trade between southwest Iran and Kuwait provided a pathway for the Shia migrants and settlers into Kuwait. Moreover, by highlighting the economic roles of the Shia community in Kuwait, my thesis enhances our understanding of the foundation and contributions of the Shia community in Kuwait. Thus it fills a significant gap in Kuwaiti historiography. The research for this thesis draws from a variety of primary sources, including British government documents, the writing of western travelers, the Almatrook business archive, and oral-history interviews with descendants of Shia immigrants to Kuwait.

This study explores the “push-pull” dynamics of Shia migration from southwestern Iran (Fars, Khuzestan and the Persian Gulf coast) to Kuwait during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although nowadays Shias constitute thirty five percent of the Kuwaiti population and their historical role in building the state of Kuwait have been substantial, no individual study has delved into the causes of Shia migration from Iran to Kuwait. By analyzing the internal political, economic, and social conditions of both regions in the context of the Gulf sheikhdoms, the British and Ottoman empires, and other great powers interested in dominating the Gulf region, my thesis examines why Shia migrants, such as merchants, artisans and laborers left southwestern Iran and chose Kuwait as their final destination to settle. The two-way trade between southwest Iran and Kuwait provided a pathway for the Shia migrants and settlers into Kuwait. Moreover, by highlighting the economic roles of the Shia community in Kuwait, my thesis enhances our understanding of the foundation and contributions of the Shia community in Kuwait. Thus it fills a significant gap in Kuwaiti historiography. The research for this thesis draws from a variety of primary sources, including British government documents, the writing of western travelers, the Almatrook business archive, and oral-history interviews with descendants of Shia immigrants to Kuwait.

Shi´ism intellectual history is the main subject in this bachelor thesis. Mainly the models of interpretation that arose on the basis of the doctrine of the twelfth imam, and how these have influenced politics. The Khomeini doctrine has been used as an example, and the task has been to put the doctrine into a liberation theological perspective. The definition of liberation theology that is used is from the famous liberation theologian Gustavo Gutiérrez. The paper is a presentation of the tradition of the twelfth Imam and will, as mentioned, treat a political doctrine that arose from it. It will present how Khomeini argued for his doctrine and how he claimed that this would lead to freedom of the people and the perfect society. The paper is an example of what can happen when a revolution succeeds with religion as it medium, and when the revolution is transformed from ideas to practice.

In the Middle East region, Iran and Turkey are influential powers, and both countries have relatively stable regimes in the Middle East countries. The two countries have chosen different paths after their political transformation. After reviewing the political practice of the two countries, due to different political environments, the two armies and religions have played prominent but different roles. After the Islamic revolution in Iran, the army was the protector of the regime, while religion played a leading role. After Kemal Ataturk established power, Turkey took a completely secularized road. The Turkish army was the defender of the secularized path independent of the government in the Turkish regime, while Islamic religion tried to exert influence as a political party. In addition, the article discusses whether it is based on complete secularization or is derived from Islamic religious tradition, which is a feasible way to modernize Islamic countries. At present, since Islam still has considerable influence, only by adapting Islam to the needs of modern society and making modernization the internal needs of Islam can Islamic countries be successfully modernized.

Frågan om ett enat Irak har sedan en tid tillbaka diskuterats av såväl irakiska som utländska politiker, inte minst efter att de USA-ledda militära trupperna avtog och lämnade landet under 2011. Däremot har det varit svårt att uppnå ett enat irakiskt samhälle, sett till det faktum att landet består av många olika religiösa och etniska fraktioner som driver olika politiska agendor. Denna uppsats ämnar att jämföra hur en del utvalda villkor (avseende regerinsbildning, autonomi och representation) från Arend Lijpharts teori om konsociationalism har förändrats i Irak före och efter den kurdiska självständighetsomröstningen den 25:e september 2017. Det är en jämförande fallstudie med en kvalitativ metod. Resultatet visar att villkoret "maktbalans" inte var uppfyllt mellan 2005-2017, men att det delvis uppfylls från 2017 och framåt. Villkoret "flerpartisystem och representation" möttes till viss del mellan 2005 och några år framåt, dock inte från 2017 och framåt. Slutligen är villkoret "segmentell autonomi" uppfyllt under båda tidsperioderna, men efter det kurdiska referendumet har omständigheterna och relationerna mellan KRG och centralregeringen i Baghdad förändrats. / The issue of a united Iraq has for some time been discussed by both Iraqi and foreign politicians, not least after the US-led military troops declined and left the country during 2011. However, it has been difficult to achieve a united Iraqi society, considering the fact that the country consists of many different religious and ethnic groups that run different political agendas. This essay intends to compare how some selected conditions (regarding government formation, autonomy and representation) from Arend Lijphart’s theory of consociationalism have changed in Iraq before and after the Kurdish independence referendum the 25th of September 2017. It is a comparative case study with a qualitative approach. The result shows that the condition ”balance of power” was not fulfilled between 2005-2017, but that it is partly fulfilled from 2017 and onwards. The condition ”multi- party system and representation” was met to some extent between 2005 and a few years ahead, though not from 2017 and onwards. Lastly, the condition ”segmental autonomy” is fulfilled during both time periods, however after the Kurdish referendum, the circumstances and relations between KRG and the central government in Baghdad have altered in some ways.

<p>Mina slutsatser i mitt arbete är att rollen som finns inom Ithna Ashery inte är homogeniserad när man jämför olika individers subjektiva upplevelse av fenomenet. Däremot om man tittar på en metanivå så kan deras roll se tämligen lika ut. Men på individnivå, som detta arbete försökt behandla, så är den subjektiva upplevelsen av rollerna olika. Det som till stor grad påverkar den subjektiva upplevelse av rollen är sådana saker som den omgivande kontexten i samhället. Men även de mål den enskilda individen har med sin roll när det gäller framtiden för individen. Det kan till exempel vara att skapa sig en dräglig tillvaro i en kommande framtid. Det religiösa motivet kan således vara sekundärt när det gäller individens val av det religiösa yrket.</p><p>En annan slutsats är att det i viss mån krävs mer av en religiös ledare inom Ithna Ashery i Sverige för att följa den utstakade teologiska vägen än för en religiös representant i Iran. Detta kan även gälla för den enskilda församlingsmedlemmen, då samhället i Sverige är sekulariserat. Konsekvensen blir att den religiösa ledaren i Sverige får uppta tid med att förklara vad som är exempelvis tillåten mat (halal) utifrån de religiösa föreskrifter som finns i koranen. Arbetet med att förklara för en församlingsmedlem vad som är tillåtet respektive förbjudet behöver inte en representant för Ithna Ashery i Iran lägga så mycket tid på. Det är för att hela den omgivande kontexten för religionsutövaren i Iran redan är anpassad och styrd av vad som är det rätta livet enligt Islam.</p>

Mina slutsatser i mitt arbete är att rollen som finns inom Ithna Ashery inte är homogeniserad när man jämför olika individers subjektiva upplevelse av fenomenet. Däremot om man tittar på en metanivå så kan deras roll se tämligen lika ut. Men på individnivå, som detta arbete försökt behandla, så är den subjektiva upplevelsen av rollerna olika. Det som till stor grad påverkar den subjektiva upplevelse av rollen är sådana saker som den omgivande kontexten i samhället. Men även de mål den enskilda individen har med sin roll när det gäller framtiden för individen. Det kan till exempel vara att skapa sig en dräglig tillvaro i en kommande framtid. Det religiösa motivet kan således vara sekundärt när det gäller individens val av det religiösa yrket. En annan slutsats är att det i viss mån krävs mer av en religiös ledare inom Ithna Ashery i Sverige för att följa den utstakade teologiska vägen än för en religiös representant i Iran. Detta kan även gälla för den enskilda församlingsmedlemmen, då samhället i Sverige är sekulariserat. Konsekvensen blir att den religiösa ledaren i Sverige får uppta tid med att förklara vad som är exempelvis tillåten mat (halal) utifrån de religiösa föreskrifter som finns i koranen. Arbetet med att förklara för en församlingsmedlem vad som är tillåtet respektive förbjudet behöver inte en representant för Ithna Ashery i Iran lägga så mycket tid på. Det är för att hela den omgivande kontexten för religionsutövaren i Iran redan är anpassad och styrd av vad som är det rätta livet enligt Islam.

This thesis examines the Iraqi Shia community's evolving approach towards and their position in the Iraqi state, especially after the American-led invasion in 2003. The focus is on concepts of nationalism, sectarianism, and identity within the Iraqi state and the Shia community. This thesis is subdivided into two main parts, the first of which considers the time period before 2003. Contemporary Shia identity and standing in Iraq was forged in the crucible of pre-2003 Iraq, so a thorough background in this time period is essential for understanding events after the invasion. Since the founding of the modern Iraqi state, and even during Ottoman times, Shias have traditionally been excluded from positions of power. This political division reflected the socioeconomic divide between the wealthier Sunni and poorer Shia communities. This situation resulted in sharp barriers between Sunnis and Shias. Although the Sunni-dominated monarchy was not actively trying to incorporate the Shias, economic and educational progress eventually reached some in the Shia community beginning in the 1930s and 1940s, and several of these sectarian barriers faded. Partly due to a secularizing trend, the 1950s and 1960s (the "intermezzo" republican period) witnessed the greatest amount of intermingling between these sects in...