Swine barn air is a heterogeneous mixture of dust, bacteria and irritant chemicals including ammonia and hydrogen sulphide. Gram-negative bacteria are commonly found in swine barn air and significantly contribute to pulmonary disease in unprotected swine barn workers, through the endotoxin moiety, lipopolysaccharide (LPS). Toll-like Receptor-4 is the ligand for LPS. It is found on many cell types including monocytes, macrophages, neutrophils, endothelial cells, and to a lesser extent, epithelial cells. The severity and outcome of acute lung injury following barn air exposures depends upon the balance between epithelial and vascular endothelial repair mechanisms, including angiogenesis. Vascular Endothelial Growth Factor (VEGF) is an endothelial mitogen produced by mesenchymal and alveolar Type II epithelial cells and by activated bronchial airway epithelial cells. Research investigating the role of cytokines in angiogenesis has shown that close proximity of immune cells and endothelial cells modulates the production of various compounds that regulate vascular function. Given that LPS is the ligand for TLR4 there appeared to be a role for TLR4 in angiogenesis, particularly following endotoxin exposure. To determine whether this was occurring, we examined whether exposure to swine barn air alters vascular density in the lungs and the role of TLR4 using a murine model. Toll-like Receptor-4 wild-type (C3HeB/FeJ) and TLR4 mutant (C3H/HeJ) mice were obtained and exposed to swine barn air for 1-, 5-, or 20-days for 8 hours/day. Wild-type animals showed a 127% increase in vascular density after 20-days barn air exposure. Vascular Endothelial Growth Factor-A protein levels were decreased by 0.62-fold after one-day swine barn air exposure in wild-type animals, indicating that VEGF-A is being used as a pro-angiogenic mitogen. Transcription of VEGF-A mRNA was increased in wild-type animals after all swine barn air exposure periods. The receptor VEGFR-1 showed increased mRNA transcription over all time points. These effects were only observed in TLR4 wild-type animals, indicating that these effects are mediated by TLR4. Further, VEGF-A and VEGFR-1 appear to be involved in the manifestation of TLR4-induced angiogenesis in the lung.

Despite having roots in 19th century Europe, Marxism had a deep impact on the trajectory of political ideas in the non-European world in the twentieth century. In particular, anti-colonial thinkers engaged productively with Marx’s ideas as part of their struggle against Empire. Yet, little attention has been paid to the displacements and innovations in political thought as a result of this encounter between anti-colonialism and Marxism. This dissertation aims to fill this gap by studying the history of Indian communism, focusing on the first three decades of the communist movement (1921-1950). I claim that this is an ideal time period to interrogate the formation of political ideas in India, since they presented themselves with particular intensity in the midst of an unfolding anti-colonial struggle, and arguably, the birth of the Indian political. The entry of communist ideas into the charged political environment of the 1920s had an impact on the ideological debates within the Indian polity, as well as stamping Indian communism with its own specific historicity. Through a tracing of debates among communist leaders, as well as their non-communist interlocutors, this work seeks to provide a novel lens to consider the relationship between ideas and their historical actualization, or between the universal and its instantiation in the particular. Moreover, the dissertation argues that the radically different socio-political and historical landscapes of Western Europe and colonial India necessitated a confrontation with the stagist view of history dominant in the history of Western Marxism, prompting novel theoretical work on the issue of political temporality. Consequently, the relationship between necessity and volition, central to enlightenment thought, was radically transformed in the colonial world, particularly in terms of its entanglement with the problem of subjective violence. Engagement with such questions not only impacted Indian political thought, but transformed global communism itself, putting into question the concept of an “originary site” for political ideas. Thus, this work intervenes in debates in three distinct registers: Global Intellectual History, Marxist theory and Indian political thought.

Bone drilling is a major part of orthopaedic surgery performed during the internal fixation of fractured bones. At present, information related to drilling force, drilling torque, rate of drill bit penetration and drill bit rotational speed is not available to orthopaedic surgeons, clinicians and researchers as bone drilling is performed manually. This research demonstrates that bone drilling force data if recorded in-vivo, during the repair of bone fractures, can provide information about the strength/quality of the bone. Drilling force does not give a direct measure of bone strength; therefore it has been correlated with the shear strength and screw pullout strength to determine the efficacy in estimating the bone strength. Various synthetic bone material densities and animal bones have been tested to demonstrate the use of drilling force data. A novel automated experimental test rig, which enables drilling tests, screw insertion and screw pullout tests to be carried out in a controlled environment, has been developed. Both drilling and screw pullout tests have been carried out in a single setting of the specimen to reduce the experimental errors and increase repeatability of the results. A significantly high value of correlation (r² > 0.99) between drilling force & shear strength and also between drilling force & normalised screw pullout strength in synthetic bone material was found. Furthermore, a high value of correlation (r² = 0.958 for pig bones and r² = 0.901 for lamb bones) between maximum drilling force & normalised screw pullout strength was also found. The result shows that drilling data can be used to predict material strength. Bone screws are extensively used during the internal fixation of fractured bones. The amount of screw been tightened is one of the main factor which affects the bone-screw fixation quality. Over tightening of screw can result into the loss of bone-screw fixation strength, whereas under tightening can result in the screw loosening. Therefore, optimum tightening of the screw is important to achieve the maximum bone-screw fixation strength. At present, optimum tightening of the screw is entirely dependent upon the skill and judgment of the surgeon, which is predominantly based on the feel of the screw tightening torque. Various studies have been reported in the literature to develop an algorithm to set an optimum tightening torque value to be used in surgery. A method which is based on the use of rotation angle of the screw while tightening, rather than using screw insertion/tightening torque, to optimise the bone-screw fixation strength is proposed in this research. The effectiveness of the proposed method has been successfully demonstrated on the synthetic bone material using the designed test rig. The optimum angle for the tested screw was found to be 120° which is equivalent to 33% of the screw pitch.

Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the world’s largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance government’s tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests – such as votes and rents – as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.

I investigate the spoken dialogue of four Indian novels in English: Mulk Raj Anand's Untouchable (1935), Khushwant Singh's Train to Pakistan (1956), Rasipuram Krishnaswami Narayan's The World of Nagaraj (1990), and Rohinton Mistry's Family Matters (2002). Roger Fowler has said that literature, as a form of discourse, articulates ideology; it is through linguistic criticism (combination of literary criticism and linguistic analyses) that the ideologies in a literary text are uncovered. Shobhana Chelliah in her study of Indian novels in English concludes that the authors use Indian English (IndE) as a device to characterize buffoons and villains. Drawing upon Fowler's and Chelliah's framework, my investigation employs linguistic criticism of the four novels to expose the ideologies reflected in the use of fictionalized English in the Indian context. A quantitative inquiry based on thirty-five IndE features reveals that the authors appropriate these features, either to a greater or lesser degree, to almost all their characters, suggesting that IndE functions as the mainstream variety in these novels and creating an illusion that the authors are merely representing the characters' unique Indian worldviews. But within this dialect range, the appropriation of higher percentages of IndE features to specific characters or groups of characters reveal the authors' manipulation of IndE as a counter-realist and ideological device to portray deviant and defective characters. This subordinating of IndE as a substandard variety of English functions as the dominant ideology in my investigation of the four novels. Nevertheless, I also uncover the appropriation of a higher percentage of IndE features to foreground the masculinity of specific characters and to heighten the quintessentially traditional values of the older Brahmin generation, which justifies a contesting ideology about IndE that elevates it as the prestigious variety, not an aberration. Using an approach which combines literary criticism with linguistic analysis, I map and recommend a multidisciplinary methodology, which allows for a reevaluation of fictionalized IndE speech that goes beyond impressionistic analyses.