The Korean peninsula is crucial to China's political, economic and security interests because of a combination of geographic, historical, and political circumstances. China’s economic reforms and the end of the Cold War both provided new challenges and opportunities for Northeast Asian politics. This thesis will trace the shift in the policy of the People's Republic of China toward the Korean peninsula, and the resulting shift of primacy from North Korea to South Korea, as well as from political-military security to economic development. Yet this shift was not complete. The thesis will show how China has successfully maintained relations with both North and South Korea in what can be called a "double strategy" of ideological relations with the North and economic relations with the South. The two hypotheses of my research are: 1) China's economic reform policy was the most decisive factor which made China change from a "One Korea" policy to a "Two Koreas" policy, and 2) to maximize its national interest China has deftly used the "double strategy" to keep its traditional geo-strategic and military ties with North Korea, even as it has vigorously furthered new geo-political and economic ties with South Korea. The diplomatic history of Sino-Korean relations from 1978 to 2000 will be explored through an analysis of the empirical data of primary and secondary sources taken from documents, newspapers and academic texts.

Orientador: Marcos Cordeiro Pires / Resumo: Nossa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar as recentes oscilações na relação diplomática entre China e Japão, tendo como hipótese que a forma e o contexto em que se deu a reaproximação e normalização das relações bilaterais, a partir 1972, seriam vitais para as futuras divergências e deterioração da relação sino-japonesa. Impulsionada por motivações pragmáticas da conjuntura da Guerra Fria – a aliança antissoviética formada por China-Japão-EUA – os líderes de ambas as nações deixaram de lado questões históricas e territoriais em prol de uma aliança de segurança pragmática. Argumentamos que a gradual deterioração da frágil relação criada se intensificou quando o contexto no qual a aliança foi formada desapareceu, o colapso da URSS e o fim da Guerra Fria. Sendo assim, os problemas deixados de lado em 1972 emergiram na relação sino-japonesa de forma mais acentuada, sobretudo nas primeiras décadas do século XXI, ocasionando a recente oscilação de afastamento e aproximação. Portanto, no trabalho realizamos uma breve sumarização de como a normalização ocorreu e a maneira como a relação diplomática se desenvolveu desde então. Posteriormente analisamos a questão das divergências relativas à memória sobre a guerra, distintas e antagônicas entre os dois Estados. Evidenciamos também que o contexto pós-Guerra Fria e o fim da aliança antissoviética desencadeou processos que levaram a crescente insegurança entre China e Japão, assim como trouxe a tona a disputa territorial das ilhas Diaoyu/S... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: Our research aims to analyze the recent fluctuations in the diplomatic relationship between China and Japan assuming that the form and context in which the rapprochement and normalization of bilateral relations took place, from 1972 onwards, would be vital for future divergences and deterioration of the Sino-Japanese relationship. Driven by pragmatic motivations of the Cold War conjuncture – the anti-Soviet alliance formed by China- US-Japan – the Sino-Japanese leaders set aside historical and territorial issues in favor of a pragmatic security alliance. We argue that the gradual deterioration of the already fragile relationship created was intensified when the context in which the alliance was formed disappeared, the collapse of the USSR and the end of the Cold War. Thus, the problems left aside in 1972 emerged in the Sino-Japanese relationship more markedly, especially in the first decades of the 21st century, causing the recent oscillation of detachment and rapprochement. Therefore, in the work we made a brief summary of how the normalization occurred and the way the diplomatic relationship has developed since then. Subsequently, we analyzed the issue of the divergences related to the memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945), different and antagonistic between the two States. We also sought to expose that the post-Cold War context and the end of the anti-Soviet alliance unleashed processes that led to growing insecurity between China and Japan, as well as brought... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

published_or_final_version / Chinese Historical Studies / Master / Master of Arts

The genus Heracleum (Apiaceae) includes 65-70 species, and is distributed across the Northern Hemisphere from North America to East Asia (Pimenov & Leonov, 1993). The Sino-Himalaya region (Nepal eastwards to SW China) is one of the most important distribution areas of Heracleum (with 10 species in the Himalaya and about 30 species in China). This thesis integrates a series of studies on the systematics of Sino-Himalayan Heracleum including allied taxa and a taxonomic revision of Nepalese Heracleum species. The taxonomic value of the various morphological characters used in Heracleum is generally discussed and potentially important fruit morphological characters investigated alongside. Several characters were found to be distinctive, constant out of taxonomic importance. These included extent of development of the lateral wings, presence/absence of epidermal hairs, hair types, and the transverse sectional arrangement of the mericarp, including position of sclerenchyma of vascular bundles, rib development, pattern of endosperm, distribution of vittae and thickening of wing margins. Based on these characters, Heracleum was divided into at least 5 types that are also supported by molecular data (ITS DNA sequences). In order to evaluate the monophyly of Sino-Himalayan Heracleum, and clarify the species relationships within this group, sequences of ITS, rps16 intron, and psbAtrnH spacer of Heracleum and related genera were studied. The resulting data matrix was analyzed using Maximum Parsimony and Bayesian analysis. Both ITS and rps16 intron regions show a good resolution of phylogenetic relationships down to species level. However, although psbA-trnH region has been successively tested in other plant families, it failed to resolve relationships among the major Heracleum clade. Only higher level resolution was successful. The results of our comparative phylogenetic study confirmed that the “Major Heracleum clade” (Sensu Downie) remains monophyletic. Within this clade at least six major lineages are defined: Heracleum, Malabaila-Pastinaca, Zosima, Semenovia, Tordylium, and Tordyliopsis. The Sino-Himalayan Heracleum lineage is seen to comprise three distinct sub-lineages (Heracleum group I, II and III) including several European Heracleum species. Heracleum is thus not monophyletic. Generic segregates of Heracleum proposed in past classifications,such as Tetrataenium, can be correlated with these subclades. These phylogenies also helped resolve the taxonomic placement of some enigmatic taxa such as Tordyliopsis brunonis and Heracleum millefolium. These molecular data provide valuable characters for inferring relationships within the Sino-Himalayan Heracleum. A taxonomic account of the species of Heracleum in Nepal is presented including a key to identification of the species is produced. A reinterpretation of the taxonomy of Sino-Himalaya Heracleum is presented based on these results including an account of the Nepalese species.

The goal of our research is to analyze Sino-African relationships during the post-Cold War era with a systemic behaviorism approach. This research focuses on providing explicative interpretations of the outstanding features in China¡¦s diplomatic and economic relations with Africa from an international/domestic context. Our work tries to break generally accepted connotations in Sino-African relations, in answer to questions regarding their origin, impact and perspective. The end of the Cold War has drastically changed the world structure. With the exception of Eastern Europe, the ¡§Spring of Beijing¡¨ in 1989 has completely modified the Occidental perception of China. To aggravate the situation, China was isolated when it became the biggest communist power following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Despite the distancing between China and Africa in the 1980¡¦s, China attempted to reinforce comprehensive relations with Africa in hopes of political and economic gains. Due to increasing needs of support, China intensified and diversified their approach towards Africa. China needed Africa¡¦s support because Africa was a strategic and diplomatic lever against external coercion. During the post-Cold War period, China focused on Occidental and particularly American supremacy. China wanted to shift the balance of power and to do so required a network of allies within the African continent. China also wanted to use the strength of Africa¡¦s counter-power to construct a multi-polar world based on China¡¦s ideology. China¡¦s renewed interest towards Africa made the latter more ¡§polyvalent¡¨ for the Chinese regime. African countries took actions to help the Chinese in issues such as human rights. The human rights issue was a platform for solidarity between the two parties since they both have shared common beliefs in the anti-human right movement. Africa was also asked to hinder the diplomatic recognition of Taiwan, a nation in which China considers to be a ¡§rebel province.¡¨ This was evident from 1993 when Taiwan led a campaign in Africa to re-enter the United Nations and to obtain a full political status of a state. Contrary to all expectations, rivalry regarding to the diplomatic recognition of Taiwan in Africa was pacified after the South-African episode. A phenomenon of détente was seen in Africa. From the economic aspect, Africa became China¡¦s ideal trading partner despite the geo-economic consideration. The Chinese great leader Deng Xiaoping wanted to create a China that is materially strong and wealthy. Establishing good worldwide trading relationship was required to accomplish such a task. Trading with Africa was more promising than Russia despite their geographic location. The African market offered a greater potential outlet for Chinese exports, which was particularly important since the economy of China was slowing down. Africa¡¦s natural resources were also in high demand in China. Fossil fuel was an excellent example because China had become a crude oil importing country since 1996. China¡¦s severe deficiency of energy resources also created a serious problem for the nation¡¦s autonomy. The lack of energy resources in China was a key component in the political and economical game between China and the African oil producing countries such as Sudan. This creates an original type of axis: client and ally. Thus, Sino-African relations are determined by four key variables: American supremacy, question of Taiwan, African market and African natural resources. Contrary to generally accepted ideas and ancient models of interaction, Sino-African relations of our times evolved in a rational way and expanded from the political fields to the economic fields due to the fact that China is heavily dependent on Africa.

published_or_final_version / History / Master / Master of Arts

Thesis (M.A.)--Zhong guo wen hua xue yuan. / Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 123-128. Also issued in print.

Thesis (M.A.)--Zhong guo wen hua xue yuan. / Reproduced from typescript. Bibliography: p. 123-128.