Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1964. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Bibliography: l. 81-84.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Louisiana State University, Baton Rouge, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (M.A.)--Montana State University--Bozeman, 2006. / Typescript. Chairperson, Graduate Committee: Robert Rydell. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 156-162).

Thesis (M.A.)--Cambridge University, 1845. / Reproduction of original from Goldsmiths' Library, University of London. Goldsmiths'-Kress no. 34874. Includes bibliographical references.

The way in which the concept 'human trafficking' has been constructed in the UK (in the words and actions of law enforcement bodies, state-funded NGOs and courts, for example) has changed significantly since the early 2000s. Yet legal and policy definitions of trafficking have remained largely consistent. This is surprising if we expect the state, through instruments like legislation and policy statements, to authoritatively define particular concepts and categories in a way that then shapes how others think and act. This did not happen - at least not straightforwardly - in the case of trafficking. What, then, was the state's contribution to the construction of 'human trafficking' in the UK? To answer that question, this thesis explores the three most significant state interventions relating to trafficking: a 2007 policy statement, a 2009 set of administrative rules and a 2015 piece of legislation. Each had different characteristics and was used in a different way. I argue that the state used these instruments not to authoritatively define 'human trafficking' but to shape already existing or incipient ideas and assumptions about trafficking. The state collated, codified and legitimised certain configurations of ideas and assumptions through the three instruments discussed. To place the state's activities in context, the thesis also investigates how the state first came to recognise 'human trafficking' as an issue and what influence the concepts and categories shaped by the state went on to have. The former is addressed through identifying the ideas and assumptions that fed into the state's early efforts and tracing their historical development. The latter is addressed through examining the ways in which actors who are engaged in implementing the concepts and categories shaped by the state have had to adapt their ideas and practices in order to do so.

Ce travail s'appuie principalement sur le texte d’Etienne de La Boétie, étudié dans son arrière-plan humaniste et socioculturel brossé à grands traits. Qu’est-ce qui inscrit le texte dans son époque et qu’est-ce qui la transcende ? Quels sont les ressorts de la servitude : sont-ils inscrits dans le psychisme de l’humain et comment s’articulent-ils au niveau individuel et collectif ? La forme textuelle répond-elle à des canons académiques ou bien fait-elle signe d’un affranchissement de ces règles, premier pas vers la libération du sujet ? Les solutions présentées par La Boétie sont-elles efficientes pour son époque et jusqu’à nos jours ou bien la servitude est-elle constitutive du sujet lui-même ? La théorie psychanalytique présente-t-elle une alternative libératrice que la cure peut mettre en oeuvre ? Autant de questions auxquelles cette thèse qui croise littérature et psychanalyse tente de répondre. / This work is based mainly on Etienne de La Boétie’s text, studied, in broad outline, from a humanist and socio cultural standpoint .To what extend is the text a reflection of the time when it was written and to what extend does it transcend it ? What motivates servitude: is it part and parcel of the psyche of the human mind ? And how does it link up with the individual and collective levels ? Does the layout of the text answer the academic canons or does it show signs of liberation from these rules, first step towards the liberation of the subject ? Were the solutions put forward by La Boétie efficient from his time till nowadays ? Are they still efficient today or is servitude a component of the subject himself ? Does the psychoanalytic theory offer a liberating alternative that the cure can implement ? So many questions this thesis which intertwines literature and psychoanalysis tries to answer.

archives@tulane.edu / 1 / John Bardes

This study argues that the Virginia slavery debate of 1831-32 was an occasion when radical transformations in the nature of the proslavery argument occurred and where changing popular perceptions about the role of government can be seen. Since the Revolution, government in Virginia had been based upon the Lockean concept of the inviolable right of private property and of property's central relationship to government. During the slavery debate, when the initial emancipationist plan, which addressed the slaveholders' property rights, was dismissed as impractical, a more radical antislavery doctrine was proposed that challenged traditional beliefs concerning property and the function of government. This doctrine was the legal concept of eminent domain, the right of the state to take private property for public purposes without the consent of the owner. Arguing that slavery threatened public safety, emancipationists called on the state government to act within its eminent domain powers to confiscate this harmful species of property. In the climate of increased public fear, brought on by the recent slave insurrection in Southampton County, this particular emancipationist argument subverted the traditional necessary evil justification for slavery. Defenders of slavery became impaled upon the horns of a dilemma. If they continued to acknowledge that slavery was evil, then they risked engendering the expansive government powers that the emancipationists advocated. If slavery could no longer be justified as a necessary evil, then upon what grounds must its defense now rest? In the face of this dilemma, defenders abandoned their traditional apologetic justification and instead advanced the idea of slavery as a "positive good." / Master of Arts

This study examines upward economic mobility into the planter class in Texas during the antebellum statehood period, 1846-1860. Using quantitative methods to analyze data from census and tax records, this study addresses several questions regarding the property owning experience of Texas planters. Did any of the 1860 planters, men or women, rise to that status from another class? If so, how many rose from small slaveholder or small planter origins, and how many advanced from plain folk origins? In what ways did the amount and nature of wealth of these individuals change in the period studied? In what ways do these findings provide insights into the debate over planter dominance versus ‘plain folk’ inclusive herrenvolk democracy and the relationship between the planters and the other classes? Did the experiences of female planters differ from that of male planters? Did female planter experiences in Texas differ from female planters in other parts of the Old South? The results of these questions demonstrate that economic class mobility into the richest class was significant but limited and that women’s experiences were closely tied to those of male kin.

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