The middle ages is a time in our history that is often used as a frame when portraying fantasy on tv. HBOs immensely popular series Game of Thrones could easily be counted as one of these. But to what extent does the creators of the series approach the history of our world while creating their own? The aim of this essay is to analyse a number of characters from the tv- series out of gender- and their place in the social structure and then compare the findings with the image of the middle ages that is given in academic research. By analysing the two released seasons of Game of Thrones the study has shown that there are many similarities between the fictional world and the actual world but that it also differs through choices made by the creators of the series.

Die Schlüsselbegriffe sozialer Ungleichheit (z. B. Stand, Kaste, Klasse, Schicht) sind immer auch gesellschaftspolitische Legitimations- und Kampfformeln gewesen und können zugleich doch analytisch-theoretisch verwendet werden. Das wird am Beispiel des Klassenbegriffs gezeigt. Nach 1945 wurden in der deutschen Soziologie die tiefgreifenden Veränderungen der Sozialstruktur als Entwicklung zur „nivellierten Mittelstandsgesellschaft“ (Helmut Schelsky), später als Sozialstruktur „jenseits von Klasse und Schicht“ (Ulrich Beck) interpretiert. Der Beitrag zeigt, wie sich – entgegen weit verbreiteten Annahmen – Klassengesellschaften zwar verändert haben, „Klassengesellschaftlichkeit“ (auch im globalen Maßstab) jedoch nach wie vor strukturbestimmend geblieben ist. / The key terms of social inequality (e. g. status, class, caste, stratum) have always been used for the legitimation of socio-political action. At the same time, they can also be employed as analytical and theoretical tools, as this paper aims to show exemplarily with the term ‘class’. The changes in social structure after 1945 have been interpreted in various ways by German sociologists, for instance in Helmut Schlesky’s concept of the “levelled middle-class society”, or as a social structure “beyond class and stratum” (Ulrich Beck). It is here to be pointed out that, while ‘class societies’ have changed (locally as well as globally), ‘class sociability’ has remained determinative for the social structure.

In this dissertation, I examine organizational density and ownership relations in the Funeral Home Industry in the state of Arizona between 1968 and 1999. I incorporate the theories of organizational ecology and resource dependence alongside institutional theory to analyze changing numbers and concentrations of organizations. In pursuit of this research, I distinguish between establishments, the actual funeral home storefront building operation, and firms, the organizations that own and manage one or more establishments. Focus is placed on two particular institutions in the funeral home industry: (1) the tight social linkage between the industry and human deaths, and (2) the traditions that limited growth among funeral home organizations. I use these institutional forces along with the size of the resource space and organizational variables to examine competition and concentration as forces affecting the numbers, relationships, and vital rates of organizations via time-series cross-sectional methods. My findings indicate that hyper-legitimacy of the industry relative to resources plays a key role in population change by promoting organizational growth under conditions of a growing resources space, leading to economies of scale. In general, my results show that establishments develop in localized competitive markets in manners compatible with theories of density and resource dependence; and firms operate at the aggregated state level---across multiple county markets---in manners compatible with the theories of resource partitioning.

This dissertation examines the concept of social vulnerability through documenting the intersection of both political-economic uncertainty and climatic variability in the production decisions and livelihood strategies of peasant farm households in three communities in central Mexico. Although the research is situated within the broader literature on globalization and climatic change, the study focuses on the impacts of the El Nino-Southern Oscillation events of 1997, 1998 and 1999 and the neoliberal agricultural policy reforms of the 1990s as rough analogies of these larger-scale processes. The author uses both quantitative and qualitative methodology and a livelihoods analysis framework to document rural responses to change. The research concludes that institutional change and uncertainty are often more important than biophysical factors in structuring households' vulnerability and adaptation strategies to climatic risk. Households' adaptive capacity is more a function of the stability and flexibility of their livelihoods than of the households' agricultural income potential. Maize production continues to be central to the livelihood security for smallholders, despite the crop's sensitivity to climatic risk and lack of commercial potential. The household as a unit of labor management and allocation, and the institution of the ejido, also play important roles in risk management by enabling agricultural intensification and diversification. Small-scale commercial farmers are particularly vulnerable from the double impact of market and climatic risks the lack of flexibility in their production process. The importance of the institutional context of production in defining households' adaptive capacity suggests that one cannot assume spontaneous adaptation to climate changes. Furthermore, seasonal climate forecasts---often proposed as possible decision tools to facilitate agricultural adaptation---will have little utility for farmers whose production strategies are limited by lack of credit and insurance, poor producer prices, rising input and consumer costs and land scarcity. The dissertation concludes by arguing that vulnerability to climatic risk may be best addressed through "adaptive policies"---policies that evolve over time with the changing goals and vulnerabilities of rural populations, while aiming to expand the range of choice and flexibility of their livelihoods over the long-term.

As technology becomes more prevalent in our society, it becomes more concealed. There is danger when we no longer have the awareness to question the presence of these instruments in our lives or our cities. We are becoming cyborgs, human-like creatures plugged into a technological superorganism. The line between human and machine is becoming blurred as technology becomes integrated into our selves. The supreme danger is in becoming part of the standing-reserve of a technological commodity. The saving power lies in architecture's ability to question, and therefore to reveal. We must produce events within our cities that resonate with the vibrations that shake the foundations of the status quo. These events bore through and reveal the layers that make up our technological society. Small fragments of architecture will be installed at each event that would resonate throughout, provoking, instigating, and questioning.

An analysis of the characteristics of cross-cultural disputes leads to principles upon which the resolution of these disputes should be based. These principles are: having the primary goal of creation and maintenance of long-term working relationships, accounting for the parties affected, addressing the whole dispute, building trust, and undertaking empathic dialogue. / We can look at existing dispute resolution mechanisms and determine the extent to which the principles of cross-cultural dispute resolution can be incorporated, given the particular structure of a form of legal decision-making. Using the Yukon land claim negotiations as an example, the principles for cross-cultural dispute resolution can assist in the analysis of different processes. / By using the principles as a basis for a dispute resolution mechanism, cross-cultural disputes can be more effectively resolved. A dispute resolution mechanism that accounts for the characteristics of a culturally plural society benefits the whole society by ensuring more effective communication between cultures and communities, and better relationships over the long term.

No description available.

The global telecommunications environment is undergoing rapid and radical transformation. Liberalisation in the industrialised economies, prompted by the fast pact of innovation in telecommunications technology has spilled over to developing countries, which now realise the significance of telecommunications for socio-economic development within their economies. The most significant aspect of these developments is that it has led to the liberalisation of telecommunications companies and the opening up of market access under the auspices of the World Trade Organisation. There is now open competition in a glob al telecommunications industry. Multinational companies equipped with the state-of-the-art technologies, ample experience and service skills, as well as huge economies of scale and scope are reaching out to connect isolated markets in developing nations into the global information economy. What is important now for developing countries is not to promote competition in the telecommunications market for its own sake. Rather, they should establish concrete goals in their restructuring exercise that can lead to development and improved living conditions for their people. This thesis argues that in their telecommunications privatisation programmes, developing countries must primarily consider their economic, cultural and social environment, and adopt appropriate policies and regulatory schemes geared towards realising their national development goals and aspirations.

Thesis (M.A.)--Ohio State University, 2008. / Title from first page of PDF file. Includes bibliographical references (p. 48-49).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Washington, 1997. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [441]-452).