Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / The modern international socialist movement experienced its infancy and childhood in the form of the International Working Men's Association, or First International (1864- 1876). Its maturity seems to have been reached in the wake of the successful Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 with the founding of the Third International, or Comintern, and the expansion of Marxism-Leninism throughout the world under Soviet leadership. The period between these two phases, the adolescence of international socialism, was the period of the Second International (1889- 1914). During this period the socialist movement rose upon its earlier foundations and became a significant social and political force in almost every European nation. At the same time the Russian revolutionary socialist movement was growing within the tsarist empire and among its exiles. While Russian Socialists were developing the strength necessary to overthrow the tsarist regime, they also participated in the Second International. Since no systematic study has been made of the interrelationship between the Second International and the Russian Radicalism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the extent and nature of Russian participation in the Second International. This study reveals a certain degree of Russian independence from the main stream of European socialism. The Russians stood in opposition to reformism both in theory and in practice. This opposition was due, in part, to the particular state of Russian political and economic growth. As the Russians became aware of the reformist nature of the actions of their international comrades, they became critical of the activities of the Second International. In their response to the outbreak of World War I the Russians did not differ too greatly from other Socialists, but as the Russian socialist movement became increasingly dominated by the Bolsheviks, who stood clearly apart from the leaders of the International on the issue of the war, the independence of the Russians became apparent. These observations suggest that whenever the main stream of thought and action in the Second International ran counter to the basic interests and attitudes of Russian socialism, the Russians assumed a position independent of that mainstream. This independence explains, in part, the relative unimportance of the Russians as a Group in the Second International. It also suggests what the nature of the relationship of Russian socialism to the international socialist movement would be in the years following the Second International. Most Russian Socialists divorced themselves from any effort to revive the Second International and supported the Bolshevik-dominated Third International which was not a representative of international socialism but an instrument and protector of Russian communism. In the Second International the Russian participants assumed their most active role in the open discussions of the congresses and meetings only 2hen the issues directly affected them or were irrelevant to conditions in Russia. It is impossible to rank the contribution of the Russians as a national group, because aside from the Germans and the French, the important roles in the Second International were played by individuals. The primary sources used in this study include the available documents and records of the Second International. This means primarily the records of the congresses of the International, direct reports of the activities of the Second International and its participants, and the pertinent memoirs of its leading figures. The records of the International Socialist Bureau have been lost. Valuable secondary sources were the significant studies of international socialism, the Second International, cand the Russian revolutionary movement. Virtually all relevant material is available in the libraries of the United States.

Thesis (B.A.)--Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.

No description available.

Since William Morris has earned his reputation as an artist; the seriousness of his socialism is often underestimated. E.P. Thompson re-established the reputation of Morris as a socialist, but he did not totally appreciate Morris's past and the role of art and romanticism in his socialism. Therefore Thompson missed its essential character. This thesis examines Morris's socialism in the round, and argues that Morris's criticism of capitalism is relevant, not only because it provides us with the keys to tackle the crisis the modern global market has brought, but also because it sheds light on the fatal faults of the existing socialist regimes. The essence of Morris's socialism is the emphasis on pleasurable work. Morris claimed work should be enjoyed as art, i.e. the expression of human pleasure in work, and no society would be genuine without abolishing toil and making every work attractive. Through the comparison with Marx and other socialists, this thesis maintains that Morris is practically the only socialist who stressed the importance of the qualitative aspect of work. Most other socialists focused only on the abolition of private property and the reduction of working hours, namely the quantitative aspect of work. The relevance of his socialism also lies in the employment of utopia and imagination. Unlike orthodox Marxists, Morris created the image of future society in ‘News from Nowhere', believing it important to urge workers to have vivid images of their own in order to change society. Morris's utopianism is not an adjunct to Marxism, but the specific area Morris emphasised. His romanticism, 'the capacity to make the past present', enabled him to understand sorrow and joy of ordinary people in the past and the present, and to pursue society where everybody is equal and an artist.

Orientadora: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Eliel Ribeiro Machado / Banca: Anderson Deo / Resumo: O objeto deste trabalho é a atuação do PCB - Partido Comunista Brasileiro no recorte temporal de 1942-1958, ou seja, da reorganização do partido em meio ao Estado Novo de Getúlio Vargas até o XX Congresso do Partido Comunista da União Soviética (PCUS). Diante do debate historiográfico que a atuação do PCB suscita, a pergunta que norteia nossa pesquisa é a seguinte: teria mesmo o partido buscado aliança tácita com a burguesia nacional? E isto o teria levado a ficar a reboque do trabalhismo? Diante disso, pareceu-nos muito mais a defesa tática da ordem para o fortalecimento da organização partidária do que propriamente uma "aliança". Daí nossa hipótese de trabalho: a Teoria da Revolução Brasileira propugnada pelo PCB oscilou entre posições reformistas e revolucionárias e não obteve êxito, na prática, para levar adiante uma política autônoma, tanto nas fileiras internas como no seio da classe trabalhadora, ficando, indiretamente, a reboque do trabalhismo desenvolvimentista. Nossa conclusão é a de que, verifica-se, no entanto, que a política de alianças do PCB não era propositadamente de "reboquismo". Os comunistas, ao longo do percurso histórico estudado, tiveram importantes êxitos táticos e lograram proeminência no seio da esquerda brasileira nos anos 1950. Defendemos também nesta pesquisa que a política de alianças dos comunistas teve como mote a via para o socialismo, em que pesem as enormes dificuldades de atuação dos seus membros, principalmente no período de clandestinidad... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The goal of this work is the PCB's - Brazilian Communist Party - acting in the temporal hiatus of 1942 to 1958, i.e., from the Party's reorganization during the New State of Getúlio Vargas to the XX Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU). Faced with the historiographical debate that emerges from the PCB's acting, the question that guides our research is as follows: did the Party really intended to achieve a tacit alliance with the national bourgeoisie? And did this, if true, resulted in Party trailing behind Labourism? In light of this, it seemed to us much more a tactical defense of the order, to the strengthening of the Party's organization, than strictly an "alliance". From this emerges our hypothesis: that the Theory of the Brazilian Revolution put forward by PCB oscillated between reformist and revolutionary positions, failing to succeed, in practice, at realizing an autonomous policy, both in the internal ranks and in the core of the working class, staying, as result, indirectly trailed behind the developmental Laborism. We verify in our conclusion that, however, the alliances' policy of the PCB wasn't one intentionally "traillist". The communists, over the studied historical period, had important tactical victories, achieving prominence inside the Brazilian Left in the 50's. We also defend in this research that the communists' policy of alliances had as motto the path to Socialism, a route side by side with the enormous difficulties in the acting of... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

No abstract included. / Arts, Faculty of / History, Department of / Graduate

At the turn of the century, socialist groups of several different hues were active in British Columbia. Out of this variegated skein emerged the Socialist Party of Canada. For almost two decades it dominated left-wing politics in B.C., wielding extensive power in the labour movement and leaving behind it an ideological legacy which eventually filtered into the fledgling CCF. This study documents the conditions which led to the SPC's ascendancy, discusses its relationship with the early labour movement and examines the extent of Marxist influence on later socialist developments in the province. The dissertation employs an historical approach, supplementing library resources with correspondence and interviews with members of the old SPC. When reformist attempts of the late nineteenth century failed to improve conditions for the B.C. worker, labourism lost out to radicalism. The SPC was national in name only, for its doctrinaire Marxism evoked a significant response only in the unique political, industrial and social milieu of British Columbia. The rapid resource exploitation which gave rise to empires early in the province's history created a classical Marxist situation in some areas. The absence of party alignments in the early years of socialist activity, plus a following of radical immigrants from Britain, the U.S., and eastern Canada afforded the Marxists a large audience to which they addressed themselves with tireless propaganda efforts. Many SPC members were active in the labour movement as well, and were able to prevent the formation of a labour party for many years. When other parties finally did form with labour support, they were much farther to the left than were earlier labour parties. In large part this was due to the ambitious education program which characterized the socialist movement from its inception and ultimately became the Marxist's chief raison d'etre. Candidates were run solely for educational purposes. Once elected, however, SPC legislators found themselves in a balance of power position for a time and consequently their legislative accomplishments were considerable. The failure to adapt to Marxist theory to changing B.C. circumstances ultimately cost the Party credibility. Unable to withstand internal pressures or to respond to the political challenges of World War I, inflation, conscription, labour unrest, and the Russian Revolution, the SPC was gradually replaced by other groups on the left. However, the Party's adherence to a one-plank no-compromise platform did preserve the Marxist ideal in the province for later socialist groups. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Two primary insights may be obtained from an investigation of German Social Democratic attitudes to work between 1890 and 1914. Firstly, some light may be cast upon the acceptance by an avowedly radical socialist movement of ethics of personal behavior inculcated by the German ruling classes. Secondly, the impact of that movement on the adaptation of the working class to the demands of industrial labor may be elucidated. Following a brief review of the status of German industrialization in this epoch, and of the history of the Social Democracy up to 1890, the introductory chapter outlines a model of the party's position in German society. Socialism formed a distinct "subculture" isolated politically and socially from the dominant culture. A revolutionary ideology characterized the movement, but its reformist tactics and the conditions of exclusion from the nation actually entailed the "negative integration" of the socialist subculture into the larger society. On this foundation the average party member's ideas of labor are then examined through the medium of socialist autobiographies. The work ethic was thoroughly indoctrinated by the institutions of the dominant culture: school, church, family, workshop and newspaper. The nature and ideological context of the conversion to socialism often reinforced these previously inculcated values. This irony was further magnified by the desire of many socialist workers for social "respectability." The third and fourth, chapters deal with conceptions of work in Social Democratic ideology. A militant reaffirmation of the work ethic is visible throughout the writings of both Marxist and Revisionist theorists. To some extent this may be traced to the intellectual assumptions of the ideologues, but above all the reinforcing belief in work in both the subculture and dominant culture must be credited with causing this particular emphasis in German socialist theory. Finally, the similarity between attitudes to work at both the top and bottom strata of the party is noted. While there was undoubtedly some interchange between high, and popular socialist ideology, the universal acceptance of the work ethic was due primarily to the similar influences of the dominant culture on both workers and intellectuals. But regardless of the origin of these conceptions, their impact upon the movement is quite clear. The socialist commitment to labor contributed to the "negative integration" of the Social Democracy by subtly tying the working class into German society, and aided the adaptation of German workers to industrialization by outfitting them with new ideas of work. / Arts, Faculty of / Psychology, Department of / Graduate

No description available.

archives@tulane.edu / This dissertation examines jazz in the life of the German Democratic Republic (GDR), from its founding after the end of World War II to its dissolution with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989. Challenging the established scholarly view that jazz was an art form whose primary dynamic consisted of opposition to the state, this dissertation argues that jazz was in fact a musical genre that enjoyed considerable state attention and in some cases support. Over the 40 years of the GDR’s history, party leaders variously legislated, controlled, repressed, encouraged, and ultimately sponsored jazz activities, recognizing throughout these years that jazz bore a critical relation to Marxist ideology with respect to its origins in racial identity and class-based oppression: this history, then, reflects the evolving struggle by socialist authorities to define this relationship and manage it accordingly. In order to make this argument, this dissertation examines previously unexamined material from a variety of sources in the GDR, including interviews from former residents and jazz actors, private documents such as diaries and letters, official government policies, and records of state surveillance. It provides the first full-length assessment of jazz over the entire lifespan of the GDR, dividing this history into four key phases and documenting the evolution of jazz from its initial use as a tool of re-education immediately following World War II to its emergence as a state-sanctioned art form in the 1980s. In sum, this dissertation argues that jazz can no longer be seen in such a simplistic way as scholars generally contend: rather, this research concludes that jazz must be understood as an art form in continuous and evolving dialogue with, not pure opposition to, the state. / 1 / admin