Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-09-01T13:42:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação - Completa.pdf3.pdf: 3195019 bytes, checksum: 47f738ab396c75bbeda6e2356f1e9a58 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-01T13:42:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação - Completa.pdf3.pdf: 3195019 bytes, checksum: 47f738ab396c75bbeda6e2356f1e9a58 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / CAPEs / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar um grupo brasileiro presente nas redes sociais virtuais como organizador de mobilizações políticas. A principal pergunta a ser esclarecida aqui é: de que maneira os internautas são mobilizados pelos líderes de um grupo virtual para reivindicar o direito à cidade e para discutir política? Para a realização da pesquisa foi feito um estudo de caso do grupo Direitos Urbanos/Recife (DU) no Facebook, o qual conta com mais de 31 mil membros e é responsável por discutir e articular várias mobilizações no Recife, a exemplo do #OcupeEstelita 2014, que ocupou uma área do centro da cidade por cerca de 50 dias. A análise se utiliza de teorias dos novos movimentos sociais e de redes, aliadas a abordagens qualitativas, como a Teoria do Discurso proposta por Laclau e Mouffe. Entre os resultados obtidos destacam-se duas principais contribuições. A primeira é a tendência a qual os membros do DU têm de se relacionar com pessoas de círculos sociais parecidos, enquanto a segunda é a identificação de algumas ações dos líderes para mobilizar internautas, tais como chats internos para discutir ações estratégicas, filtragem do conteúdo publicado na página do DU no Facebook, boa relação com outros coletivos e, principalmente, a busca por um discurso único que aglomere os mais diversos atores/grupos sociais. A temática é relevante por abordar desafios contemporâneos da internet e dos novos movimentos sociais, como a Primavera Árabe, o Indignados, o Occupy Wall Street, os Ocupas, as manifestações de junho de 2013 no Brasil e os movimentos anti e pró-impeachment nacionais de 2015/2016. / This work aims to analyze a brazilian group present in virtual social networks as organizer of politicals mobilizations. The main question to be answered here is: how netizens are mobilized by the leaders of a virtual group to claim the right to the city and to discuss politics? For the research was done a case study with Direitos Urbanos/Recife (DU) on Facebook, group that has over 31.000 members and is responsible for discussing and articulating various mobilizations in Recife, like the #OcupeEstelita 2014, which occupied an area of the city center for about 50 days. In the analysis, are used theories of new social movements and of networks, combined with qualitative approaches, such as the Discourse Theory proposed by Laclau and Mouffe. Among others results, it highlights two main contributions. The first is the tendency to which the members of DU have to relate with people of similar social circles. The second is the identification of some actions of leaders to mobilize internet users, such as internal chats to discuss strategic actions, filtering content published on DU’s Facebook page, good relationship with others groups, and especially the search for a single speech that can gather several actors or socials groups. The theme is relevant for addressing contemporary challenges of the Internet and new social movements, like the Arab Spring, the Indignados, the Occupy Wall Street, the Occupies, the demonstrations of june from 2013 in Brazil and the movements against and pro impeachment from 2015/2016.

Cette thèse a pour but d’analyser l’engagement institutionnel de l’Église catholique et des groupes pentecôtistes sur le terrain politique et agraire du Brésil à partir de l’organisation de la Conférence nationale des évêques du Brésil (CNBB) en 1952. Nous discutons la façon dont l’Église catholique commence la lutte d’abord pour « alphabétiser » et « rapprocher » ses fidèles perdus par l’idéologie socialiste développée par les ligues paysannes, puis pour empêcher l’accroissement du front communiste dans les campagnes. L’engagement social de l’Église catholique n’est pas désintéressé car les militaires brésiliens, avec l’aide américaine, déclarent le « coup d’État » en 1964. L’Église catholique brésilienne se divise en deux pôles, progressiste et conservateur. Le côté progressiste de la théologie de la libération se voit empêché et interdit par Rome. Mais cette minorité religieuse arrive à créer la Commission pastorale de la terre (CPT) qui contribuera au retour de la démocratie, à la création du Parti des travailleurs (PT) en 1980, considéré alors comme le parti de Dieu, et du Mouvement des paysans sans terre en 1984. / This thesis aims to analyse the institutional engagement of the Roman Catholic Church and other Pentecostal groups, regarding the land reform and agrarian policies launched in Brazil after the organisation of the Brazil’s Conference of Catholic Bishops (CNBB) held in 1952. We underline that it is necessary to highlight the way how the Roman Catholic Church started its actions by “teaching to read and write” and “recovering” their members those who were dragged into the socialist ideology developed by peasant’s leagues, in order to prevent the growing of the communist front in the countryside. At that time, the catholic’s social movement objectives were under eminent danger, due the Brazilian army aided by the U.S. government, declared a coup in 1964. The Roman Catholic Church in Brazil is divided into two wings: a left and a conservative. The left wing has launched the “Liberation Theology” prohibited by the head of the church in Rome. However, this religious left minority succeeded by organizing the Land’s Pastoral Commission, which contributed to the return of democracy, as well as the organization of the Worker’s Party in 1980, considered by the believers as the God’s will and the foundation of the Landless Worker’s Movement in 1984.