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Conflict transformation in post-apartheid South Africa from 1994-2013.Rwebangira, Redempta Kokusiima. January 2013 (has links)
With South Africa’s momentous transition to democratic rule in 1994, the Nelson Mandela administration significantly underscored the need to erect the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) as a mechanism to address the grievances, racial discrimination and violence that characterized the apartheid era. The South African government and the TRC have initiated policies to expedite reconciliation among its different races with the primary objective to recompense those who were previously marginalized and abused by the apartheid regime. Such attempts include: economic and land restitution and affirmative action. Despite these strides however, there are still enormous challenges, especially with regards to socio-economic imbalances, racial skirmishes, violence, and unresolved grievances among the victims of the apartheid era. Conceived in this way, the primary purpose of this research is to offer a broad analysis of rationale to transform some of the apartheid structural arrangements to a more egalitarian structure.
1994 heralded a new era of democratization in South Africa after long years of apartheid regime. The transition from autocratic rule to democracy has often been an excruciating one. It is no doubt that the challenges of transformation and reconciliation have resulted in the changing of the character of conflict and violence in post-apartheid South African society. This study also intends to analyse the current nature of conflict in post-apartheid South Africa such as; black on black, political assassinations and taxi violence. Although the nature of violent conflict in South Africa has transformed since post-apartheid, ostensibly, these conflicts are nevertheless rooted in apartheid. Given the foregoing, it appears that the full recovery from the apartheid era is still a far cry. In order for this recovery to take place, some of the structures of the apartheid era must be removed and multi-racial groups fully integrated. / Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. )-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2013.
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South Africa’s home policy and its foreign relations : a study of transitions since 1990Whytock, Ian Alexander 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a study of South African transitions. A transition, within the
context of South African contemporary history, usually refers to the period in
the early 1990s when South Africa underwent a negotiated transition from
racial minority rule to a full democracy in 1994. This thesis takes a liberal
understanding of South Africa’s transition timeline and is not confined just to
South Africa’s political transition, but also examines transitions within
transitions. This will be done through three studies beginning with a survey of
the global political transitions that took place against the backdrop of South
Africa’s domestic political transition in the early 1990s. Secondly, we will look
at the role that national historical identity plays in diplomacy and international
relations and, more specifically, at the cultivation of a new historic identity in
South Africa’s international relations. Lastly, we will examine the policy
transitions that came in the “new” South Africa through a case study of the
nationalization debate. All three of these focuses will be studied through the
lens of South Africa’s foreign relations with China and the United States which
provides a unique vantage point for viewing the complexities. The goal of this
thesis is to develop a broader understanding of transitions in South Africa and
the role that the United States and China played in them. As this theme is
interrogated, some of the continuities and discontinuities will be exposed
between the “old” and “new” South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis bestudeer Suid-Afrikaanse transisies. 'n Transisie, binne die
konteks van kontemporêre Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis, verwys gewoonlik na
die tydperk van die vroeë 1990's toe Suid-Afrika 'n bemiddelde oorgang
ondergaan het vanaf radikale minderheidsbewind na 'n volledige demokrasie
in 1994. Hierdie tesis neem 'n liberale benadering tot die tydperk waarbinne
hier periode beskou word en is nie beperk tot slegs Suid-Afrika se politieke
transisie nie, maar ondersoek ook transisies binne-in transisies. Dit sal
gedoen word deur drie ondersoeke, wat begin met 'n oorsig van die
wêreldwye politieke transisies wat op daardie stadium plaasgevind het teen
die agtergrond van Suid-Afrika se binnelandse politieke transisie van die
1990's. Tweedens sal ons kyk na die rol wat nasionale historiese identiteit
speel in diplomatiese en internasionale verhoudinge en, meer spesifiek, die
kultivering van 'n nuwe nasionale historiese identiteit in Suid-Afrika se
internasionale verhoudinge. Laastens beskou ons die beleidstransisies wat
ingekom het in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika. Dit word gedoen deur 'n gevallestudie
van Suid-Afrika se debat oor nasionalisering. Al drie hierdie fokusse sal
beskou word deur die lens van Suid-Afrika se verhoudinge met Sjina en die
Verenigde State. Hierdie verhoudinge verskaf 'n unieke oogpunt waar
rondom die kompleksiteite van hierdie debat beskou kan word. Die doel van
hierdie tesis is om 'n breër verstandhouding te skep waarin Suid-Afrika se
transisies beskou kan word. Soos hierdie tema ondersoek word, word van die
kontinuïteite en diskontinuïteite van die "ou" en "nuwe" Suid-Afrika ontbloot.
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The impact of the protection of state information bill on media freedom in South AfricaJasson Da Costa, Wendy Avril January 2012 (has links)
This thesis considers the impact which the Protection of State Information Bill will have on media freedom in South Africa. During apartheid, draconian laws prevented the media from reporting freely, and newspapers as well as the broadcast media were heavily censored. When the country became a democracy in 1994, the political grip on the media faded, and a new era of press freedom began. However, the Protection of State Information Bill is seen as a direct threat to that freedom. The Bill, also known as the Secrecy Bill, will classify state-related information and censor the media who make public or are found to be in possession of, classified information. For journalists this means that the way in which they report and what they report will be severely restricted. The Bill will also impact on the willingness of whistleblowers to come to the fore. This study looks at the importance of a free press, at how the Secrecy Bill evolved, and how opposition parties and civil society set about opposing it. It will examine democracy and its relationship with a free press, and do a policy analysis of the Bill. It will also look at how civil society organisations came together to oppose the Bill, and some of the changes which came about as a result of this opposition.
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Migration, governance and violent exclusion: exploring the determinants of xenophobic violence in post-apartheid South AfricaMisago, Jean Pierre January 2016 (has links)
Dissertation in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) in Migration and Displacement Studies, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand
April 2016 / Responding to inadequacies and limitations of current causal explanations for xenophobic violence which has become a long standing feature in post-Apartheid South Africa, this study proposes a Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence that provides a comprehensive empirically-based and theoretically informed causal explanation. It is a multivariate empirical and integrated theoretical explanatory model that identifies and explains the roles of - and the complex interplays between - the key determinants of xenophobic violence consisting of underlying causes, proximate factors and triggers. The six key determinants the model identifies are: deprivation, xenophobic beliefs, collective discontent, political economy, mobilization and governance. This study argues that these determinants and their interconnections in a value-added process constitute the necessary and sufficient conditions for the occurrence of xenophobic violence. I call it the governance model because of the predominant role governance plays in the occurrence of xenophobic violence.
With underlying causes (deprivation, xenophobia and collective discontent) already established, the study pays particular attention to the often missed proximate factors and triggers (the political economy of the violence, mobilization and governance). It is through the findings on these new factors that the study introduces new empirical and theoretical insights and innovations to the understanding of, not only, xenophobic violence in South Africa but also collective violence generally. First, this study argues that xenophobic violence in South Africa is just ‘politics by other means and by doing so brings to the fore the often missed centrality of micro-politics and localised political economy factors as key drivers of collective violence particularly communal violence.
Second, the study argues that that the triggers of xenophobic violence and of collective violence generally lie in the mobilization processes and not in the grievances and ensuing discontent as argued by many theoretical approaches to collective violence. The study suggests a new theoretical model, the Mobilization of Discontent Model, which captures the increasingly recognised centrality of mobilization as a trigger of collective violence.
Third, the study argues that governance is a key determinant of xenophobic and collective violence but not necessary in ways often assumed or prescribed by time-honoured and widely accepted theoretical predictions, particularly those contending that collective violence and other forms of contentious collective action tend to occur in societies where mechanisms of social control have lost their restraining power. By demonstrating that local governance deliberately facilitated the occurrence of xenophobic violence in areas where it occurred by providing what I term micro-political opportunity structures, the study calls into question the common understating of the relationship between governance and collective violence and reveals some aspects of this relationship that are either misunderstood or undetected until now.
The Governance Model of Xenophobic Violence this study proposes is an innovation that clearly illustrates the poverty of most explanatory models of collective violence, which makes it an appropriate tool for integrating empirical and theoretical knowledge from different disciplines and for identifying gaps in existing scholarship. / MT2017
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Challenges for journalism education and training in a transforming society : a case study of three selected institutions in post-1994 South AfricaDube, Bevelyn 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2013. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study investigated the challenges for journalism education and training (JE&T) in a
post-1994 transforming South Africa. Prior to 1994, South Africa had three distinct university
systems with different ideological orientations, namely historically Afrikaans-language
universities, historically English-language universities, and historically “black” universities.
The consequence of these orientations in the university system caused a paradigmatic schism
in the field of JE&T. The advent of democracy in 1994 necessitated the questioning of this
division in higher education. One could assume that there was need to transform the JE&T
curricula so that it could address the challenges of a society in transformation. This study,
therefore, aimed to establish whether JE&T curricula in three selected tertiary institutions in
post-1994 South Africa have transformed in line with the transformation process in the
country. The post-colonial theory, developmental journalism model and Ubuntu philosophy
were deemed the most appropriate theoretical points of departure from which to analyse the
curricula. A collective case study was used as a research design. To collect data, a mixedmethod approach, which utilised both qualitative and quantitative approaches, was used.
Qualitative data were collected through use of programme documents from the selected
journalism tertiary institutions and a semi-structured questionnaire, which was distributed to
programme coordinators. Quantitative data were obtained through the structured
questionnaire which was completed by students in the selected programmes. The qualitative
data obtained were analysed using qualitative content analysis, while quantitative data were
analysed using the statistical package SPSS version 18. The data were then analysed and
discussed in terms of the selected theories. The analysis revealed that the three programmes
are highly dependent on Western epistemologies. The programmes have a close relationship
with the media industry, a relationship which at times can be a double-edged sword. The
findings also show that the programme coordinators of these programmes are not averse to
the transformation of curricula provided the process takes into cognisance Western
epistemologies. The results also showed that in terms of gender and race, transformation has
either been insignificant or non-existent. Lastly, all three programmes do not teach their
students to report in indigenous languages. The final conclusion of the study is that JE&T in
the selected programmes are not yet addressing the challenges of a transforming post-1994
South Africa. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het die uitdagings aan joernalistieke opvoeding en opleiding (JO&O) in ’n
post-1994, transformerende Suid-Afrika ondersoek. Voor 1994 het Suid-Afrika drie
verskillende universiteitstelsels met verskillende ideologiese oriëntasies gehad, naamlik
historiese Afrikaanse universiteite, historiese Engelse universiteite en historiese “swart”
universiteite. Die gevolg van hierdie oriëntasies in die universiteitstelsel het ’n
paradigmatiese skisma in die veld van JO&O veroorsaak. Die koms van demokrasie in 1994
het die bevraagtekening van hierdie skeiding in hoër onderwys genoodsaak. Die aanname kon
gemaak word dat daar ’n behoefte was om JO&O kurrikula te transformeer sodat dit aan die
uitdagings van ’n samelewing in oorgang kon beantwoord. Hierdie studie het dus beoog om
vas te stel of JO&O kurrikula in drie geselekteerde tersiêre inrigtings in ’n post-1994 SuidAfrika saam met die landgetransformeer het. Die postkoloniale teorie, ontwikkelingsjoernalistiek-teorie en Ubuntu-filosofie is geoordeel om die mees toepaslike teoretiese
vertrekpunte te wees om die kurrikula mee te evalueer. ’n Kollektiewe gevallestudie is as
navorsingsontwerp gebruik. As dataversamelingsmetodologie is ’n gemengde metodesbenadering gevolg, waarin kwalitatiewe en kwantitatiewe metodologieë gebruik is.
Kwalitatiewe data is deur’n analise van die programdokumente van die geselekteerde tersiêre
instellings versamel, asook deur ’n semi-gestruktureerde vraelys aan die
programkoördineerders. Kwantitatiewe data is verkry danksy ’n gestruktureerde vraelys wat
deur studente in die onderskeie programme voltooi is. Die kwalitatiewe data is geanaliseer
deur kwalitatiewe inhoudsanalise, terwyl die kwantitatiewe data geanaliseer is deur die
statistiese pakket SPSS weergawe18. Die data is daarna aan die geselekteerde teorieëgetoets
en daarvolgens geëvalueer. Die analise het getoon dat die drie programme sterk steun op
Westerse epistemologieë. Die drie programme het stewige verhoudings met die mediabedryf,
’n verhouding wat soms ’n tweesnydende swaard kan wees. Die bevindinge toon ook dat die
koördineerders van die programme nie onwillig oor die transformasie van kurrikula is nie,
met dien verstande die proses neem Westerse epistemologieë in aanmerking. Die resultate het
ook aangetoon dat transformasie onbeduidend of nie-bestaande was in terme van geslag en
ras. Die drie programme bied ook geen onderrig in inheemse Afrika-tale aan nie. Die finale
slotsom van die studie was dat JO&O in die geselekteerde programme nog nie die uitdagings
van ’n transformerende post-1994 Suid-Afrika aanspreek nie. / University of Venda
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White workers and South Africa's democratic transition, 1977-2011Van Zyl-Hermann, Danelle January 2015 (has links)
No description available.
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Black Theology and the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South AfricaMethula, Dumisani Welcome 01 1900 (has links)
This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)
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Xenophobia conflict in De Doorns; a development communication challenge for developmental local governmentBotha, Johannes Rudolf 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Xenophobic hostility is not an unfamiliar concept – it is practiced all over the world, also in
South Africa. Defined by the South African Human Rights Commission (SAHRC) as a
deep dislike of non-nationals by nationals of a recipient state, it constitutes a violation of
the human rights of a targeted group, threatening the very principals upon which the young
democracy is modelled on. What distinguishes xenophobia in South Africa from the rest of
the world is its violent manifestation. In this country xenophobia is more than just an
attitude, it is a violent practise, fuelled by racism, intolerance, ignorance and incapacity to
deliver on developmental expectations.
The 2008 xenophobic attacks in major centres in South Africa stunned the local and
international communities, causing researchers to rush in search of answers. Just as the
furore turned into complacency, on 17 November 2009, 3000 Zimbabwean citizens living
in the rural community of De Doorns in the Western Cape were displaced as a result of
xenophobic violence. Reasons for the attacks vary, with some blaming the contestation for
scarce resources, others attribute it to the country’s violent past, inadequate service
delivery and the influence of micro politics in townships.
In assessing the reasons for the attacks the study claims that the third tier of government
in terms of its Constitutional developmental mandate fails to properly engage with
communities on their basic needs; that its inability to live up to post-apartheid expectations
triggers frustration into violent xenophobic action. The De Doorns case offers valuable
insight into the nature and scope of the phenomenon in rural areas, highlighting local
government’s community participation efforts in exercising its developmental responsibility
and dealing with the issue of xenophobia. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Xenofobie is nie ’n onbekende verskynsel nie, dit kom reg oor die wêreld, ook in Suid-
Afrika voor. Gedefinieer deur die Suid Afrikaanse Menseregte Kommissie as ’n diep
gesetelde afkeur aan vreemdelinge deur die inwoners van ’n gasheer land,
verteenwoordig dit ’n skending van menseregte en hou dit ’n bedreiging vir die jong
demokrasie in. Xenofobie in Suid-Afrika word gekenmerk deur die geweldadige aard
daarvan. Hier verteenwoordig dit meer as ’n ingesteltheid, dit is ’n geweldadige uiting van
gevoelens, aangespoor deur, rassisme, onverdraagsaamheid, onverskilligheid en die
onvermoë om aan ontwikkelings-verwagtinge te voldoen.
Die 2008 xenofobiese aanvalle in die stedelike gebiede van Suid-Afrika het die land en die
wêreld diep geraak en ’n soeke na oplossings ontketen. Op 14 November 2009 word die
gerustheid na die 2008 woede erg versteur toe 3 000 Zimbabwiërs in De Doorns in die
Wes-Kaap deur xenofobiese geweld ontheem is. Redes wat aangevoer word wissel vanaf
mededinging vir werksgeleenthede tot die land se geweldadige verlede, onvoldoende
dienslewering en die invloed van mikro politiek in woonbuurte.
Met die oorweging van redes vir die aanvalle maak die studie daarop aanspraak dat die
derde vlak van regering in terme van sy Konstitusionele ontwikkelings-mandaad gefaal het
om na behore met die gemeenskappe rondom hul behoeftes te skakel, dat die regering se
onvermoë om aan die post-apartheid verwagtinge te voldoen frustrasie in xenofobiese
geweld laat oorgaan het. Die De Doorns geval bied waardevolle insig in die aard en
omvang van xenofobiese geweld in landelike gebiede en lê klem die plaaslike regering se
hantering van openbare deelname in terme van sy ontwikkelings verpligtinge.
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Black Theology and the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South AfricaMethula, Dumisani Welcome 01 1900 (has links)
This study sets out to contribute to the expansive development of Systematic Theology and Black Theology, particularly in the struggle for economic justice in the democratic South Africa. The liberation of black people in South Africa and across the globe is the substantive reason for Black Theologies‘ existence and expression. The study‘s reflections on economic justice and Black Theology as sites of the intellectual focus and analysis is central to understanding the conditions of existence for the majority of South Africa‘s citizens, as well as understanding whether the fullness of life based on dignity and freedom as articulated in biblical witness, particularly John 10:10 is manifest for black people in South Africa. The study also seeks to identify, describe, analyse and understand the emancipatory theories and praxis, which entail a plethora of efforts they undertake to liberate themselves. Understanding and engendering the nexus of social practice and theological insights in the articulation of Black Theology as a particular expression of systematic theology, and drawing attention to the ethical foundations undergirding Black Theology, are important in demonstrating Black Theology‘s role and task as a multi-disciplinary discipline which encompass and engender dialogue within and between theory and praxis, and theology and ethics. This study thus suggests that since the locus of Black Theology and spirituality is embedded in the life, (ecclesial and missional) work (koinonia) and preaching (kerygma) of black churches, they have the requisite responsibility to engage in the efforts (spiritual and theological) in the struggle to finding solutions to the triple crises of unemployment, inequality and poverty which ravage the quality and dignity of life of the majority black people in post-apartheid South Africa. This study therefore concludes by asserting that, there are a variety of viable options and criteria relevant for facilitating economic justice in South Africa. These strategies include transformational distribution of land to the majority of South Africans, the implementation of heterodox economic policies which engender market and social justice values in the distribution of economic goods to all citizens. It also entails prioritization of the social justice agenda in economic planning and economic practice. In theological language, economic justice must involve the restoration of the dignity and the wellbeing of the majority of South Africans, who remain poor, marginalised and disillusioned. It also entails promoting justice as a central principle in correcting the remnants of apartheid injustices, which limit transformational justice which enables and facilitates equality, freedom and economic justice for all South African citizens. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Systematic Theology)
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